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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 486   View pdf image (33K)
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486
their affection?, and stimulated their patriot-
ism. I am sure there is not a man in the
State of Maryland who would not give his
life on the altar of his country at any time.
I have loved this Union, perhaps with a love
scarcely felt by any one. I bad hopes for the
Union in which scarcely any one participated.
The greatness of this country was a never-
ending theme with me; and I could enjoy it,
and feel that this proud heritage of ours was
not only for me but for my children and
grand-children after me. Such a country
never was possessed by a people before.
Look at your soil, your climate, the wealth
and internal resources of the country. Look
at the happiness and prosperity under which
we have lived so long. Look at the growth
of the country in wealth and everything par-
taining to wealth.
Who is it that cannot shed the tear of sor-
row from the inmost recesses of his heart,
when he looks down at the sad change that
has taken place in the condition of our coun-
try? If I could bring my country together
again in all its integrity, in the purity of its
institutions, as established by our revolution-
ary and patriotic sires, offering protection to
every citizen in every portion of the country
in all of his rights, I would at any moment
lay down my life to bring about such a result.
But how sad the change ! No man can re-
flect upon it without feeling that all is lost.
There is nothing except the Providence of the
great I Am, who holds in his hands the des-
tinies of nations, which can avert the diffi-
culty and the dangers that now threaten this
land. I hope they may be averted. I would
like to see this country again united, not
only under one Constitution but in one bond
of brotherly affection which should be as
stable as the everlasting hills which neither
time nor storm can assail.
The question immediately under considera-
tion is whether we, in adopting the organic
law for the State of Maryland, shall put into
it the 4th article, which declares that a para-
mount allegiance is due from the citizens of
Maryland to the General Government. It
seems singular to me that this should have
been suggested to the fruitful mind of the
Chairman of the Committee, because I cannot
find & parallel to it in the Constitution of any
State in this Union. Is it the province of the
people of Maryland in making their organic
law, to declare what rights they have not,
Is it not rather their province to declare and
maintain the rights which belong to them?
It is a new feature in the formation of organic
law to declare what rights we have not. It
is a new feature in the formation of organic
law to over ride all precedents, without any
practical reason assigned for so doing, except
that assigned by the gentleman from Balti-
more city, (Mr. Cushing,) that he is in favor
of a concentrated government. I really ad-
mired the gentleman for that statement. I
believe it is in the hearts of all yon gentlemen
of the majority, but he had the boldness to
speak oat. He gave us the key to your ac-
tions. Yon want a consolidated government.
You want to do away with all State lines.
If that is the case, what do you look for in
the future? What is the next step?
First of all, we have now a military des-
potism. The gentleman wants a concen-
trated government. The next step is a mon-
archical government, which yon will have
established over you, and a king proclaimed
without your consent. I am for holding to
the old land marks. Shakespeare said, "it
were better to bear the ills we have, than fly
to others that we know not of." I have lived
under this system of government so long and
so happily that I am willing to die under it.
I do not want any of these changes. Mr.
Lincoln says it is very dangerous to make
changes in time of war, and that military
necessity demands no change now. I am for
peace. I hope that under the Providence of
God, peace will be brought to this distracted
land ere long. Are we then to take the lead,
and as the gentleman says we ought, proudly
take the lead in declaring ourselves in favor
of a concentrated government, without being
asked, and lay down our allegiance as a boon
at the feet of the powers that be, a com-
mencing point, to extend from State to State
until every State in this Union will bend in
humbleness before the feet of majesty, not of
the law, because I hold that there is a ma-
jesty in the law to which we should bow, but
of a usurped power that the American people
never intended to vest in any one man ?
The gentlemen contend that this is not a
government of States, that we owe para-
mount allegiance to the Federal Government.
Is that so? The Federal Government has no
sovereignty whatever. I do not mean to de-
tain the Convention by reading authorities.
I am speaking from recollection of what I
know to be contained in the books. The
Federal Government has no sovereignty what-
ever, beyond the sovereignty it has over the
ten miles square composing the District of
Columbia, over the forts and arsenals built
with the consent of the States within the
confines of the different States. What is the
logical conclusion? That the Constitution
of the United States never intended to vest
in the General Government any powers ex-
cept those expressly given in the Constitu-
tion. If gentlemen will refer for a short time
to the original grants of those States, they
will find that they were originally granted
for various purposes, at various times, and
under various circumstances. When these
States came together, it was for a specific pur-
pose declared in the Articles of Confedera-
tion:
"Art.. 3. The said States hereby severally
enter into a firm league of friendship with
each other, for their common defence, the se-


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 486   View pdf image (33K)
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