the number of States, with the increase of
population then anticipated and now so fully
verified. It was also known, though it was not
avowed, that a State might withdraw itself. The
number would therefore be variable."
"In no part of the Constitution is there a
reference to any proportion of the States, ex-
cepting the two subjects of amendments and
of the choice of President and Vice President.
"in the first case, two-thirds or three-
fourths of the several States is the language
used, and it signifies those proportions of the
several States that shall then form the Union.
"In the second, there is a remarkable dis-
tinction between the choice of President and
Vice President, in the case of an equality of
votes for either.
"The House of Representatives, voting by
States, is to select one of the three persons
having the highest number, for President.
A quorum for this purpose shall consist of
a member or members from two-thirds of the
States, and a majority of all the States shall
be necessary for the choice.
"The Senate, not voting by States, but by
their members individually, as in all other
cases, selects the Vice President from the two
persons having the highest number on the
list. A quorum for this purpose shall consist
of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators,
and a majority is sufficient for the choice."
* * * "It seems to be the safest, and is
possibly the soundest construction, to consider
the quorum as intended to be composed of
two-thirds of the then existing Senators."
Rawle, page 305. "As to the remaining
States among themselves, there is no opening
for a doubt.
"Secessions may reduce the number to the
smallest integer admitting combination. They
would remain united under the same princi-
ples and regulations among themselves that
now apply to the whole. For a State cannot
be compelled by other States to withdraw
from the Union, and therefore if two or more
determine to remain united, although all the
others desert them, nothing can be discovered
in the Constitution to prevent it.
"The consequences of an absolute secession
cannot be mistaken, and they would be se-
rious and afflicting.
"The seceding State, whatever might be
its relative magnitude, would speedily and
distinctly feel the loss of the aid and counte-
nance of the Union. The Union, losing a
proportion of the national revenue, would be
entitled to demand from it a proportion of the
national debt. It would be entitled to treat
the inhabitants and the commerce of the sep-
arated State, as appertaining to a foreign
country. In public treaties already made,
whether commercial or political, it could
claim no participation, while foreign powers
would unwillingly calculate, and slowly
transfer to it, any portion of the respect and
confidence borne towards the United States. |
"Evils more alarming may readily be per-
ceived. The destruction of the common bond
would be unavoidably attended with more
serious consequences than the mere disunion
of the parts.
"Separation would produce jealousies and
discords, which in time would ripen into mu-
tual hostilities, and while our country would
be weakened by internal war, foreign enemies
would be encouraged to invade, with the flat-
tering prospect of subduing, in detail, those
whom collectively they would dread to en-
counter."
Rawle, 306, "Such in ancient times was
the fate of Greece, broken into numerous in-
dependent republics, Rome, which pursued
a contrary policy, and absorbed all her terri-
torial acquisitions in one great body, attained
irresistible power.
"But it may be objected that Rome also
has fallen. It is true; and such is the his-
tory of man. Natural life and political ex-
istence alike give way at the appointed
measure of time, and the birth, decay and ex-
tinction of empires only serve to prove the
temerity and illusion of the deepest schemes
of the statesman, and the most elaborate the-
ories of the philosopher. Yet it is always
our duty to inquire into an I establish those
plans and forms of civil association most con-
ducive to present happiness and long dura-
tion; the rest we must leave to Divine Provi-
dence, which has hitherto so graciously smiled
on the United States of America,
" We may contemplate a dissolution of the
Union in another light, more disinterested but
not less dignified, and consider whether we
are not only bound to ourselves out lo inc
world in general, anxiously and faithfully to
preserve it.
''The first example which has been exhib-
ited of a perfect self-government, successful
beyond the warmest hopes of its authors,
ought never to be withdrawn while the
means of preserving it remain.
" If in other countries, and particularly in
Europe, a systematic subversion of the po-
litical rights of man shall gradually over-
power all national freedom, and endanger all
political happiness, the failure of our example
should not be held up as a discouragement to
the legitimate opposition of the sufferers; if,
on the other hand, an emancipated people
should seek a model on which to frame their
own structure, our Constitution, as perma-
nent in its duration as it is sound and splen-
did in its principles, should remain to be
their guide "
Rawle, page 307. "In every aspect, there-
fore, which this great subject presents, we
feel the deepest impression of a sacred obliga-
tion to preserve the Union of our country;
we feel our glory, our safety find our happi-
ness involved in it; we unite the interests of
those who coldly calculate advantages with
those who glow with what is little short of |
