carp at the acts of this government, talk of
its corruption and oppression, and say that
we should recognize the Southern Confederacy
which would break up and destroy this na-
tion, and which, in itself is treason, and
yet no arrests, no notice is taken of it by the
government. I say that a government that
is so humane, so kind, should at least receive
the honest support in words, if not in deeds,
of every man in Maryland.
But the gentleman from Prince George's
(Mr. Clarke) says that he is a good Union
man, and that had not Gov. Hicks been at the
bead of State affairs in 1861, this war would
have been avoided Of course the gentleman
is a good Union map, so is every other gentle-
man of the opposition who voted against a
vote of thanks to General Grant and our
Maryland soldiers. The rebels never achieve
a victory but that the gentlemen are sad, sor-
rowful and dejected; and when they are de-
feated by our victorious and brave armies,
they are always halt beside themselves for joy !
How can they help being good Union men?
If the oath they have taken, to entitle them to
seats in this Convention, docs not make them
good Union men, then there is no panacea for
their disease. And as for Gov. Hicks hav-
ing been the cause of this war, and the charge
that if he had not been at the head of affairs in
1861, the country, by a wise and vigorous
policy, might have been saved, I would ask
the gentleman if he knows the record of Gov.
Hicks? Is he acquainted with the history of
1861? Does be know who took the control
of this State on the 19th of April, 1861; who
raised troops to hurl back "the Northern
horde," advancing to protect the Capital of
our country; who blocked the port of Balti-
more, and laid an embargo, and restricted
trade, and levied contributions on the people,
and took possession of Gov. Hicks, and threat-
ened his life, because be would not consent to
burn down bridges, tear up railroad tracks,
and uproot telegraph polls? Does he know
who did all this ?
Mr. CLARKE. Governor Hicks signed the
order.
Mr. THOMAS. No, sir; never. I state it as a
fact, for on the morning of the 20th of April
1 was present in the office of Mayor Brown—
for they had taken possession of Governor
Hicks and carried him bodily from the
Fountain Hotel to the private office of Mayor
Brown—1 was present when Coleman Yellott,
Robert L. McLane and others of that ilk,
came in, and asked Governor Hicks to sign
the order for the burning of the railroad
bridges, and destruction of the tracks and
telegraphs. Governor Hicks refused, and
told them that so far as he was concerned, al-
though he had no authority, he would do all
he could to prevent it. And when General
Charles Edgerton came in and told Governor
Hicks that he had just given orders to tear
up the railroad tracks and cut down the tele- |
graph poles, Governor Hicks raised up his
hands and said—" My God ! gentlemen, what
is it you have done? I have given no such
orders. There were gentlemen present here,
when Mr. McLane and Mr. Yellott came in
here, and they beard what my opinions were
on that subject. You have done it on your
own responsibility." And not only was I
there, but other gentlemen were there, who
will testify to these facts and vindicate the
character of Governor Hicks.
No, sir; he never consented to those acts.
They took possession of the old man; they
threatened his life. I heard men in my own
presence say, and I told Governor Hicks of
it—" That if the damned old scoundrel went
out in Monument Square that afternoon to
make a speech they would send a bullet
through his heart." Governor Hicks said,
when he was fold of that.—"Gentlemen, if I
can save the State from civil war and further
bloodshed by going to Monument Square, I
shall do so. I am an old man; I have en-
deavored to save my State from civil war; I
have kept back the remonstrances and peti-
tions sent by rebels from nearly every town
in the State, for a meeting of the Legislature.
I think I have done my duty heretofore, and
if need be I am ready to die in Monument
Square, or anywhere, to save my State."
[Great applause from members of the Con-
vention.]
Had that Legislature ever met in Baltimore
city, Maryland would this day have been a
scene of desolation and bloodshed, a hissing
and a by-word, just as Virginia is to-day.
But Governor Hicks called the Legislature
together at Frederick city, and that was the
salvation of this State, because but for the in-
fluence of the loyal people there, Maryland
would this day have been out of the Union.
Let gentlemen look at the record made by
these "good Union men" of whom they
speak, who, if they had been put in the same
position that Governor Hicks held, would
not only have saved the State of Maryland,
but have kept all the States together. It
does seem to me that when gentlemen make
assertions of that kind, they must either pre-
sume that the majority of the members of this
Convention are utterly ignorant of the his-
tory of their State, or that they have not got
the nerve to stand up here and speak their
honest sentiments.
The party in power in 1861, having the
disposition to save this State, or to reconcile
matters? Why, sir, I hold in my hand a
book which I have always regarded and
called "the Book of Treason," compiled by
those men who were in authority in 1861,
and who took bodily possession of Governor
Hicks; the men who called the Legislature
together, and who were ready with their
bills of safety, and their militia bills, to put
the State of Maryland into the hands of a
self-constituted revolutionary committee, that |
