of hearing one of her sans—now representing
her in one branch of Congress—announce in
the great commercial city of the Empire
State, that the Constitution organized a. na
tional consolidated Government, and with a
view of more firmly establishing such a con-
solidated Government in the midst of this
sad struggle, which the Crittenden resolu-
tion declared should be waged, not for pur-
poses of subjugation or to destroy the States
or their institutions, but only to assert the
authority of the Federal Government over
the States in rehellion, it is proposed to bring
the action of Congress to bear directly upon
the States in rebellion, the essential feature
of which proposition is that Congress shall
assume jurisdiction over them. The " pesti-
lent pretension of States' rights" is to be thus
summarily disposed of, and, under the theory
of "State suicide," or "State forfeiture," or
" State abdication "—followed by the denial
of "State rights, immortal and unimpeacha-
ble "—our structure of government is sought
to bemerged in one ' 'consolidated head,"
over which, under the plea of freedom to the
African slave or the "abolition of slavery in
the States through the war," ending in slavery
to the white man—and I understand that the
Cleveland Convention has announced that it
is now time to maintain the freedom of the
white man—the goddess of "amalgamation,
equality and fraternity" shall reign triumph-
ant in orgies more wild, and scenes more
terrible, than darkened the soil of France
amid the days of the reign of terror. Why,
I ask the gentleman from Baltimore city,
(Mr. Stirling,) thus make the conservative
old State of Maryland, to which he is to the
manor born as well as myself, and whom
I had the privilege in early days when
we were starting out in our profession, and
were in the same debating society to hear
then announce doctrines as consistent with
the proper structure and formation of the
government as I think I now hold; for I
stand where I started, and where we stood
then when we battled for the same good
principles—
Mr. STIRLING. With the permission of the
gentleman, I will say that we were both
whigs then, and he has now separated from
me.
Me, CLARKE. I never was a whig in my
life. The first vote I ever cast for a Presi-
dent, was for James Buchanan in 1856—
Whiggery ended with Scott in 1852; and I
happened then to be studying law somewhere,
and I bad not then commenced my political
career. But the gentleman has arisen in po-
litical life upon the new issues which suc-
ceeded dead whiggery. I would ask the gen-
tleman why should the State of Maryland,
when down in old St. Mary's was first raised,
amid those American wilds, the banner of
civil and religious liberty—why make the
'State of Maryland lead the van in the onward |
march to consolidated empire? If this prop-
osition bad been introduced here by some
new importation into the State, I might not
have been surprised at it. I might have ex-
pected it. But. it comes, and oh ! that is the
saddest part of it, that it comes from a son
of Maryland to the manor horn. Why in this
day thus tarnish the fair fame of our State?
Mute and silent she has been. No sovereign
Convention uttered for her people, words of
conciliation and entreaty to stay the impend-
ing disruption of the government. And I
desire here to make a short digression. When
it was asked the other day by the gentleman
from Howard, (Mr. Sands) who saved Mary-
land, whether it was not Governor Hicks? I
answered, that whatever might be the opin-
ions of the gentleman from Howard, I thought
that Governor Hicks did not save Maryland.
Mr. SANDS. The gentleman is mistaken;
I never said so.
Mr. CLARKE. Governor Hicks did not save
Maryland ?
Mr. SANDS. I said he did. not save Mary-
land. I said that the people saved Maryland :
and so they did.
Mr, CLARKE. Well, sir, I will say this:
that if the people of Maryland had had at
that time a proper executive officer at the
head of the government of the State of Maryland,
the people of a Maryland would not only
have saved the State of Maryland, but, acting
through a proper executive officer, in my
bumble judgment, would have saved the
Union. It is my candid conviction, uttered
here to-day in the sight of high heaven, that
there was not in the State of Maryland at
that time, any desire to break up this Union.
We desired to cling to the Constitution of the
United States; we desired to save the country
from the impending war. And when the
gentlemen from the South came on here and
requested the co operation of the State of
Maryland—not for the purpose of getting out
of the Union—but with the view of preserv-
ing the rights of all the States—they
announced that if the South would only
stand up to the doctrine of co-operation and
maintain their rights, we would have no
war, no disunion, but the government would
be preserved intact.
Mr. SANDS, in consideration of the good
name and fair fame of a man of now world-
wide reputation, which is now at stake, I
will tell the gentleman if he will permit me,
what Governor Hicks told me the day be-
fore the outbreak in Baltimore, was the mis-
sion of those southern gentlemen.
Mr. CLARKE, I know what it was. As I
am only expressing my individual opinion,
the gentleman can reply to me when I am
through. If the Governor of this State had
said then to those men—the State of Mary-
land shall not secede, we will not go with
you in that; but we have rights and will co-
operate with you to maintain those rights— |
