now precluded from altering that proposition
by striking out any portion of it.
The PRESIDENT. The gentleman is correct.
Mr. HEBB. I wish to ask a question for
information. If the proposition of the gen-
tleman from Harford, by being adopted by
the Convention, absorbs that of the gentle-
man from Cecil, why did not the proposition
of my colleague, (Mr. Greene,) when adopted
by the Convention, also absorb the proposi
tion of the gentleman from Cecil?
The PRESIDENT, It did; but the Conven-
tion did not ask the opinion of the Chair upon
that point.
Mr. PUGH. There has been a very general
expression of view's here in regard to this
question of a poll tax. and as I have so far
pursued a course in opposition to the provi-
sion in this article in relation to that subject,
I wish to state my reasons for so doing. In
the first place, I deny the statement that a
poll tax is grievous and oppressive, and I
have seen and beard nothing here which has
any tendency to make me change that opin-
ion. I stated yesterday that I had lived
where there was such a tax in existence. By
the way, I have nothing whatever to say
about the reasons those who first incorpo-
rated that statement into the bill of rights
land to do so; I know nothing about that.
They slated in positive terms that a poll tax
is grievous and oppressive. I do not know
why they stated that. But as a fact I de-
ny it.
But, my objection to having such a provi-
sion in the Constitution of Maryland is, as
has been stated heretofore, that by such a
provision we fetter the hands of the General
Assembly, and deprive, them of the right,
which they have in all other respects, to raise
revenue in any manner which to their judg-
ment may seem the best tor the general good.
As has been very pertinently remarked here,
I have just about as much confidence in any
one hundred men of the State of Maryland
assembled here to make laws, as I have in
any other one hundred men in the State, and
there has been nothing urged here to confirm
the assertion that, unlees this restriction is
imposed, the Legislature, when it assembles
here, will pass any law grievous and oppres-
sive upon the people. If it shall appear to
that Legislature, as it seems to appear to a
majority of this body, that such a law will
be grievous and oppressive, then they will
not pass the law. I have just as much con-
fidence in them as the majority of the people
have to-day in us, and I object to this pro-
hibition, thin restriction upon the Legislature,
because if in their judgment the people
of the State of Maryland are sufficiently
burthened with other systems of taxation, and
the only way in which they can make agene-
ral system of school education self-sustain-
ing, or if in their judgment, the better course
to adopt, is to impose a tax which maybe |
styled a poll tax, all I desire is to leave them
free to do so, and that is the only effect which
the amendment originally proposed by my
colleague, (Mr. Scott,) will have.
Now, although the question is not at
present betore this Convention, still I may
as well state now why I am so earnest in
favor of a school si stem, and »why lam in
favor of so framing this Constitution as not
to fetter the Legislature in respect to pro-
viding the means for making such a system
self-sustaining.
Mr. STIRLING. Is the gentleman in favor
of so fettering the Legislature as to compel
them to establish a school system ?
Mr. PUGH That question is not now be-
fore the House; when it comes up for deci-
sion I shall be ready to take my position
upon it. All I wish is to leave this matter
to the discretion of the Legislature. If, in
their view, it is proper to establish a school
system for the State of Maryland, then they
must provide some way to make it self-sus-
taining, otherwise it will be of no account..
Gentlemen say that there is already a school
fund in this State; or, if there is not one
provided it can be created. Now, halving
had some experience in that matter, I know
that such a way of sustaining a school sys-
tem will not work in this State. It has not
worked in Virginia, it has not worked in
Pennsylvania, and it will not work in any
State, unless the fund is very large, which is
not the case in this State; and the best school
systems in the country are those supported
by a system of direct taxation. Then they
become self sustaining; everybody is inter-
ested in upholding the system; every man in
the community has an opportunity to assist
in maintaining it; or, it seems to Mr. it might
be so provided as to impose an obligation on
him to sustain it.
Now it is fair to suppose that the Legis-
lature of Maryland, to assemble after we ad-
journ, will be actuated, to some extent, by
the same views and sentiments which this
Convention entertains; and if so, then they
will know perfectly well that it would be but
a farce to declare Maryland a free State, and
not provide a free-school system for the State.
1 believe as firmly as I believe anything, that
the strongest safeguard which the institution
of slavery has in any State where it exists is
the deprivation of the mass of the people of
a system of common school education And
1 believe, also, that the greatest safeguard of
the freedom of Maryland, provided she shall
be made a free State., will be a system of pop-
ular education. And supposing as I do that
those who may hereafter represent the people
of the State of Maryland, as members of the
General Assembly, will see this matter as we
see it, will see that it is better for Maryland
to be a free State, I believe they will also
see that the only way of maintaining Mary-
land as a free State, will be to provide and |
