sistently take this oath? And any man who
has ever professed any sympathy with the
government across the Potomac, who at any
period of his life has expressed any sympathy
or feeling in their behalf, no matter what may
be his feelings and opinions now, he is pre-
cluded by this oath. Can any man who had
done this, whatever may be his position now,
no matter what may be his situation now,
no matter however desirous he may be for
the restoration of the government, can he
under this test oath, under the oath of this
schedule, be allowed to vote?
And do you intend, do yon desire to im-
pose such restrictions upon your fellow-citi-
zens as that? It is contrary to the princi-
ples of the Christian religion, [Laughter.]
You may laugh, but it is nevertheless so.
When our Saviour came upon earth, for what
did he come? He came for the purpose of
proclaiming peace, and repentance and con-
fession of your sins. And if you will come
and confess your sins, God is faithful and
just and will forgive you your sins, and
cleanse you from all unrighteousness. But
according to the theory of this test oath you
cannot purge yourself. How are yon going
to purge yourself? You impose this oath to
be taken before you submit the question of
this constitution to the people of Maryland.
It does seem to me to be the strangest thing
that ever happened.
The gentleman from Baltimore city (Mr.
Cushing) said that be gloried in having voted
for the act of emancipation. And having
gloried in voting for the act of emancipation,
as I presume you all do who voted for that
act, you deny to those whom you have robbed
of their property by that act of emancipa-
tion the right of passing upon that act—
Mr. BARRON. I call the gentleman to
order.
The PRESIDENT. The gentleman will state
his point of order.
Mr. BARRON. He has called us robbers,
and I won't stand that.
The PRESIDENT. I do not suppose the gen-
tleman meant anything personal.
Mr. BILLINGSLEY. Certainly not.
Mr. BARRON. He says we have robbed
him. I do not think he has lost a cent—not
a copper.
Mr. DAVIS, of Charles. I hope my friend
from St. Mary's will take his seat if he can-
not speak without interruptions.
Mr. BARRON. I will interrupt him when
he calls us such names as that.
The PRESIDENT. The gentleman from
Baltimore city (Mr. Barron) will not inter-
rupt the gentleman from St. Mary's.
Mr. DAVIS, of Charles. Then I —
The PRESIDENT, The gentleman is out of
order. The chair will protect the gentleman
from St. Mary's (Mr. Billingsley) in his
rights, without the interposition of the gen-.
tleman from Charles (Mr. Davis.) The chair |
does not suppose the gentleman meant any-
thing personal. He will proceed with his
remarks.
Mr. BILLINGSLEY. What I say here I say
politically. The gentleman from Baltimore
city said that be gloried in his 'vote upon the
act of emancipation.
Permit me to say that, so far as it regards
the abstract question of slavery, I can see
that any man may be honest in whatever
opinions he may entertain upon that sub-
ject, I deny to no man the right honestly
and conscientiously to entertain his opinions
inregard to the abstract question of slavery.
He may look upon it as a sin. He may
look upon it as a foul stain upon the statute
book of Maryland. He may look upon it as
a cancer upon the body politic. He may
look upon it as the cause of perpetuating
the war, and he may even think that the de-
struction of slavery may be the means of
bringing to us peace and tranquillity, and re-
storing the government. But how any gen-
tlemen entertaining these views can deny to
me the right to compensation is to me a very
different question. You take away from me
my vested rights—my rights under the con-
stitution—the rights which you have hereto-
fore protected—rights which I had every rea-
son to believe would be perpetual. And af-
ter having taken them away then you deny
to me, believing, as you say you do, that those
rights were an injury to the government and
to the State, you deny to me the right to
compensation, I do think that this is a most
singular and extraordinary proposition—that
you can take away my property and yet not
compensate me for it. Yet this you have
done,
And now by this test oath you deny to me
the privilege of testing this question before
the people. I do not say that you have de-
prived me particularly, but you have de-
prived those men who are conscientious in
regard to the oath itself, and who perhaps,
under the operation of this oath, it being re-
trospective, might feel some conscientious
scruples in regard to taking it, although they
are as desirous as any man in this conven-
tion of having this government restored,
with all the rights of the States as they were
before the separation, and the constitution
as it now is.
When we passed the bill submitting the
question of aconvention to the people, it was
distinctly and emphatically expressed in that
bill that the whole constitution should be
submitted to (he people.
The PRESIDENT informed the member that
his time had expired tinder the rule.
Mr. AUDOUN. I bad not intended to say
anything at all upon this question. Nor
should I feel it my duty to do so now, but
for the fact that I have seen from the first
day of the session until now a determina-
tion on the part of the minority of this con- |
