tyrant I He it was who first initiated the
policy by which our rights and liberties were
stricken down. That man is George B.
McClellan. Maryland, which has suffered so
much at the bands of that man, will not
submit to his nomination in silence. His
offences shall be made known. This conven-
tion is a jury appointed by the people to pass
upon the merits of the public men whose
names would be presented for the support of
the great democratic party. General McClel-
lan, I repeat, is a tyrant. He stood here to
indict him."
" Mr. Harris proceeded to say that General
McClellan was an assassin of States rights, a
usurper of our liberties, and if nominated he
would tie beaten everywhere, as he was at
Antietam. He added that he could not go
home and ask the members of the legislature
of his State to vote for such a main. He
would not himself vote for him." [Hisses.]
Yet that man, the tyrant and usurper in
Maryland, is going to receive the support of
these gentlemen; and soldiers wearing the
uniform of the United States government,
which is denounced day after day in this
hall in unmeasured terms, are asked to sup-
port him.
All I have to say in conclusion is, that my
work in this convention is nearly done.
This is perhaps the last time that I shall utter
my voice in this convention, except to vote
upon these propositions. I give my vote for
this section with the same feeling that I gave
my vote in support of the declaration of
emancipation, I gave it with a full deter-
mination that I was doing what was ap-
proved by my conscience and by my God, I
gave it with a determination that those who
shall come after me when this war shall have
been ended, and peace shall have been
brought back once more to this now dis-
tracted land, will honor me for it. And if I
am to die, be it sooner or later, be it the
death of a martyr, or be it any other death
that Almighty God may ordain for me, I
shall never regret that I have not only voted
to allow Maryland soldiers to vote to adopt
this constitution as the organic law of the
land, but that I have voted to prevent every
man who is in sympathy with, or who has
given any aid, comfort or encouragement to
those in armed rehellion against the govern-
ment of the United States, from voting either
in favor of or against the adoption of this
constitution.
Mr. STIRLING. I desire, Mr. President, to
express some views upon this proposition that
is before the convention; and as the time is
short, I will endeavor to confine myself to
the question of authority which has been
raised in the debate by gentlemen who have
addressed the convention. I will merely ob-
serve in commencing that it certainly strikes
me with some surprise that gentlemen can
profess, in the first place, their entire loyalty, |
and the entire loyalty of their constituency,
and then declaim, as they have declaimed
here, against the effect of these obligations,
even so far as to make the statement that
they will disfranchise 40,000 of these very
people that they loudly claim to be loyal
patriots, highminded, and honorable gentle-
men.
The gentleman from Prince George's (Mr.
Clarke) has alluded to this subject. He has
not been so specific with regard to general
political matters as the gentleman who pre-
ceded him, and I may almost express the hope,
from the very fair course he has pursued on
several occasions, I may at last have the
privilege before the presidential election, of
standing upon the same platform with him
in the support of Mr. Lincoln, for I recollect
his saying once before that he should prefer
him to either Fremont or McClellan. I do
not know whether be has changed his views
on that subject as he did upon the question of
representation according to population.
1 will merely allude to the gentleman
from Calvert (Mr. Briscoe) now, as to the
hereafter" with which bethreatens us, to
say, that, so far as my people are concerned,
we think this is the "hereafter." I will reply
to him that the loyal men of Maryland have
got past the day of their evil things, and the
gentlemen the day of their good things; and
1 can say to him, in the language of scrip-
ture, as was said to the rich man after he had
lived in purple and fine linen, and gone to
the abodes of the damned, "Thou hast had
thy good thing's, and likewise these people
their evil things; and now they are com-
forted, and thou art tormented." [Applause
and laughter, promptly suppressed by the
President.]
What is the difficulty? Gentlemen say
that this constitution can have no force until
it is adopted. So far as relates to its perma-
nent provisions, I admit that it cannot, until
it is adopted, and the time arrives at which
it goes into effect. But I declare the doc-
trine laid down by the gentleman from Kent
(Mr. Chambers) in his speech last night, and
the doctrine laid down by the gentleman from
Anne Arundel (Mr. Miller,) that a proposed
constitution must be submitted to the same
constituency which elected the convention,
is a doctrine that is not sustained either by
the law or by the fact. I propose to prove
that it is neither law nor fact. There are a
great many constitutions, as they are con-
tained in this book of " Constitutions," which
do not give the provisions under which they
were submitted.
Mr. CHAMBERS. I hope you do not attri-
bute that doctrine to me ?
Mr. STIRLING. I understood the gentleman
to say that the same law which directed who
should vote upon the convention, directed
who should vote upon the constitution.
Mr. CHAMBERS. No; it had reference to |
