the man of all others whom he should last
look to. He looks to his own government—
to the power and duty of that government
under the constitution to protect him. And,
sir, tell me why it is, that those soldiers have
lain so long in these dungeons of the South?
It is because the secretary of war, with that
arbitrary despotic power which he wields,
has refused to enter into proper negotiations
for the exchange of prisoners. One of the
very first causes of this difficulty was the in-
troduction of slaves into the army of the
United States, It was said over and over
again—it was said by the secretary of war
and by some of the best military men in this
country—it was said by some of the head
men in the army, by some generals and
major-generals, over and over again, and by
governors of States throughout the North,
that if you put negro slaves into the federal
army to fight against the South you will raise
the black flag. There will be no quarter shown
—there will be no mercy to prisoners—there
will be none of the considerations of hu-
manity influencing these people. That was
done contrary to the advice of all these gen-
tlemen—contrary to the advice of some of the
first intellects of this land. It was done, and
the consequences that they predicted fol-
lowed. It wag seen that the man who had
heretofore been merely considered as property
in this country, who had not been put upon
an equality with the white man, who had re-
ceived all the benefits that the white man
could bestow upon him, and who was still
going on to receive these benefits, so far as
he was capable of improving under them,
was not in a condition at this time to be put
upon an equality with the white man. It
was denounced in the North as well as in the
South. If the responsibility rests anywhere
for the treatment of these prisoners, in my
humble judgment, it rests with the adminis-
tration of this government. They are res-
ponsible for it. Let them enter into proper
negotiations. Let them consider the rights
of the soldier. Let them place proper guards
and protection around him. Had they done
this, the exchange would have taken place
long ago. Why should they have stood
upon a punctilio? Why should not they
have said, release these men at all hazards?
I see only one reason, I may be wrong, but
I can see no other, it was necessary to get
up a hue and cry at the North, The war-
fever was waning. Hopes for peace were
springing up throughout the country, and
everybody was anxious about peace. It be-
came necessary to get up a hue and cry to
arouse the spirit of the North, to revivify
and invigorate the war feeling, and the only
way that it could be done was by letting our
soldiers stay down there suffering and dying
inch by inch, to be heralded all over the
country, and to be pictured in photographs.
The telegraph wag called in to carry the
63 |
; news that our soldiers were dying inch by
inch, and then the photograph was resorted to
to send their pictures through the country,
i and thus it was heralded through the North,
' and it bad its effect. Did the poor soldier
need to go down there—the poor prisoners
who are dying inch by inch—that it should
have aroused the spirit of the North? That
the men who have risked their lives, property,
and everything, and been made prisoners,
should be made sufferers in order to make
capital out of their unfortunate condition, 1
conceive to De unpardonable. Yet, in my
bumble judgment, that is the only conceiv-
able construction that can be put upon the
course pursued by the administration of this
government which will in any conceivable
degree justify their conduct, I think when
these facts are thoroughly understood and
demonstrated, we shall never hear anything
more of this inhumanity and barbarity.
1 intend to pass no eulogy upon these
southern people, I intend to pass no eulogy
upon anybody. But when I see that my
country is going wrong, when I see that they
are leading us to despotism, that they ore ex-
ercising usurped powers, I consider it to be
my duty to raise my humble voice in opposi-
tion to any such measures. As to the oath
that is proposed here, I have on another occa-
sion given more in full my views upon that
subject. I have before stated that, you might
pile up your oaths as high as heaven, and
they should never stand between me and my
duty as a citizen of this State. I will resort
to all honest, honorable and constitutional
means in my power to enable me to secure my
rights at the ballot box. I hope and trust
that the people of the State of Maryland will
not be intimidated, but will put their mind to
the subject, and see that it is nothing more
than a trap to drive off all who happen to be
opposed to the party that is now ruling the
State.
The gentleman from Baltimore city (Mr.
Stockbridge) has alluded to something fiery
that he said had come from the Chicago con-
vention. Whatever that Chicago convention
may do, if it is done by the advice and by
the deliberative action of those true demo-
crats of the north who have stood up for
; State's rights and the people's rights, through
sunshine and through shade, through stormy
: and through peaceful times, I shall give it my
: hearty vote, and my hearty concurrence.
These are men they have nominated who
were in some respects objectionable to us.
' One of them has in former times exercised
i arbitrary power. Let bygones be bygones.
Mr. ABBOTT. I call the gentleman to order.
\ The CHAIRMAN (Mr. Daniel.) The house
• I has allowed the gentleman to proceed.
Mr. ABBOTT. No vote was taken.
! ' The CHAIRMAN. If the gentleman insists
, upon it, the chair must rule the speaker out
) ' of order. |
