But I say that it is eminently wise and proper,
and you cannot otherwise assess every man
alike under the laws according to his real
means, to adopt some system of this kind. And
I think that if there is a tax that men will nut
complain of, it is a tax to be appropriated to
the purposes of public school education. We
have found in our experience in the city of
Baltimore, that taxes levied for that purpose
are more cheerfully paid, and appropriations
made for school purposes mure cheerfully
complied with, than any other taxes and ap-
propriations made in the city. If you levy
upon a man a tax of one dollar for the year,
it bears upon him very lightly. And there
are a great many men who halve children to
be educated, who have no taxable property,
who, I think, would take it as a privilege to
pay a dollar a year for the purpose of educat-
ing those children; they would pay it most
cheerfully, as they are not called upon to pay
any other tax.
Now as we are about, I hope, to adopt some
provision in this Constitution by which we
shall follow the example of other States, and
adopt a system of public schools to be uniform
throughout the State, whereby the children of
the poor as well as those of the rich may be
educated, I think it is right and proper for us
to confer upon future Legislatures the power
to adopt proper means of raising revenue
in order to support that system. And I be-
lieve that in no way can you raise such a large
revenue, and raise it so easily, and so gene-
rally, as by a poll tax, which in other States
has been found by experience to work so well.
I therefore submit this substitute and hope it
will be adopted.
Mr. KENNARD. I shall not vote for any
amendment or proposition which looks to the
striking out of this article the words—" That
the levying of taxes by the poll is grievous
and oppressive." I am in favor of the decla-
ration of principle contained in this article,
and I do not think that the right to vote
should have any pecuniary qualifications at-
tached to it. I think it ought to be above
price, and I am uncompromisingly opposed to
any price being fixed to it. I hope this Conven-
tion will retain in their declaration of rights the
recognition and declaration of the principle
that "levying taxes by the poll is grievous
and oppressive."
Now in reference to the willingness of a
certain class, which constitute a large propor-
tion of the people of our State, to contribute
their share of expenses for the purposes of ed-
ucation, there can be no doubt about tint,
But the difficulty here is, and that. difficulty has
not been reached by any gentleman who has
expressed himself in favor of levying taxes by
the poll—the difficulty is that that class of
people who are not directly taxed yet indi-
rectly contribute more to the revenues of the
country than any other class of people. If
taxes are very high, every article not only of |
luxury but of use and comfort is correspond-
ingly high, and the consumer has to pay the
tax; although he may not directly pay it, be-
cause he dues not own any property to be
taxed, yet indirectly be does pay it. I think.
the right to vote should be above all pecuniary
price, and [am satisfied that to-day one-third
at least of the people in my own city, inde-
pendently of any political complexion, abhor
the very idea of being taxed by the poll, and
1 cannot be induced to vote for any amend-
ment that proposes to strike out the clause
prohibiting such a tax. I shall adhere to the
article as it now stands, so far as it relates) to
the levying of taxes by the poll, and shall
vote accordingly.
Mr. MILLER. Two of the gentlemen from
Baltimore city (Messrs. Barron and Kennard)
who have recently spoken upon this subject,
seem to labor under a great misapprehension
in regard to the effect of leaving to the Leg-
islature the right to levy a poll tax. They
seem to suppose that in some way or other
that will affect the right to vole. Now, if
they will but turnback to the 6th article of
the Declaration of Rights which we have just
passed upon, they will find that we there de-
clare that "every tree white male citizen,
having the qualifications prescribed by the
Constitution, ought to have the right of suf-
frage." Now, unless we prescribe in this Con-
stitution a property qualification for voting,
every free white man will have the right to
vote, whether the Legislature imposes upon
him a pull tax or nut. There can tie no
doubt upon that point. So, it seems to me,
the apprehension gentlemen may entertain in
reference to the right of voting should consti-
tute no objection to the proposed amend-
ment.
Mr. BARRON. If the 6th article said—
" shall have the right' suffrage "—it would
do very well; but it says—"ought to have."
Mr. MILLER. That "ought" there certainly
means "shall;" and unless this Con-
vention shall, prescribe a properly qualification
of the right of voting, every free white male
citizen will have the right to vole, whether
he is called upon to pay a poll-tax or not.
Now, I think there is a great deal of force in
what has been said by the gentleman from
Cecil (Mr. Jones) and the other gentleman
from Baltimore (Mr. Daniel) in reference to
the propriety of leaving it discretionary'
with the Legislature, which will be elected by
the same constituency which we represent
here, lo impose this lax in case the public ne-
cessity hereafter may require it. We shall
probably have to resort to every species of
taxation which the Legislature can devise in
order to meet the public burdens which are»
now resling upon the country and upon this
State. The history of the State in past times
shows that extraordinary legislation his been
resorted lo tor the purpose of raising revenae;
the stamp tax, the tax upon collateral inherit- |
