of Baltimore, who was par excellence the lead-
er of the idea that representation according
to population was the just theory, and even
he did not demand it.
Now the question is, as you have not got a
principle by which you can govern this, is
it fair and right and proper, when you have
no demand from the city of Baltimore, as I
believe, to give her this representation? I
have heard a great many wise men and in-
telligent men with whom I have conversed,
from the city of Baltimore, say that they be-
lieved that when Baltimore city was repre-
sented by two intelligent men from that city
in the olden time, they controlled more moral
power in the legislative balls of your govern-
ment than all your representatives at present.
I say then, looking at the results, that you
have adopted no principle. I have stated
why I shall vote fur the proposition of the
gentleman from Kent, that I want all the
small counties to be placed in the same cate-
gory and to have two representatives each,—
I wanted to give my reasons, although what
I might say here might very likely have some
effect in causing the proposition to be voted
down. I leave gentlemen to determine it up-
on its merits. I had thought that in these
families of counties, although I have asked
very few things of this convention, that the
email people of a family were generally pets ;
but I have found it otherwise here. The prin-
ciple of concession that the smaller children
of a family are generally treated with more
favor than the larger ones, runs through
this patriarchal system at any rate. I see no
rule by which you have a right to stand up
and claim as a matter of right and justice to
deny my county two representatives, to send
here, that in the contingency of one man be-
ing absent, my county may not be for months
at a time wholly unrepresented.
Mr. CUSHING. How is it in Delaware in
Congress ?
Mr. BRISCOE. I say that the rule of repre-
sentation is adopted in no State in the Union
with less exception than in the State of Mary-
land. So far as the question of representa-
tive power of the city of Baltimore is concern-
ed, I know very well that even when Balti-
more city was part of a county, with a large
rural district attached to her, there was great
concern lest she should obtain the control of
the State, and the city of Baltimore should
become in the State of Maryland what Paris
is in France. I have no distrust of her power
I am willing to trust her, if she is willing to
accord to me what I believe to be fair and
right. See the tendency of this. Thirty to
fifty years ago, we gave to Baltimore but few
representatives in this hall. She has come
here through the counties which have been
built up through her prosperity. We have
met their representatives in the legislative
halls of the State, and we have conceded from
time to time to her demands. First she had |
two representatives; then some six, and then
it went up to ten; and now Baltimore city is
here again demanding and asking for politi-
cal power in this State. I believe that in the
end it will result dangerously to the interests
of the State of Maryland. I believe it in my
heart. , I believe that if we go so far in this
convention as to make Baltimore the strong-
hold of political power in this State, con-
trolling the popular elections of the State, we
shall live to see the day that we will regret it.
There is always a conflict between labor
and capital. It existed under the old gov-
ernment. It has been the subject of much at-
tention; the conflict between labor, or the
producing intereats of the State, and the cap-
ital of the State.
Mr. STIRLING. Is there no labor in the city
of Baltimore? Is it all capital ?
Mr. BRISCOE. I am speaking of the agri-
cultural labor of the State. Those who are
engaged in the agricultural department of
your State are in opposition to them. I do
not say that if principle is properly directed
and talent properly controlled, it will lead
to evil. But wise men, statesmen, men with
the eye of prophecy, never will agree lo come
under the influence of any one particular class
of labor in the State, and to give it an inor-
dinate and overwhelming control in the leg-
islation of the State. For that reason I say
that when these gentlemen do not apply the
rule of justice to themselves, they should not
exclude Kent county and the county of Cal-
vert from the boon we are asking of them.—
I think that there should be no representation
here for any county, upon grounds of expe-
diency, efficiency, and above all from princi-
ples of self-protection, less than two represen-
tatives. I do not propose to offer this as an
amendment to the proposition of my friend
from Kent (Mr. Hollyday,) for I say I am
willing to vote for it. But if you adopt that,
I hope the convention will permit me to offer
this amendment and place myself right on the
record. It was ruled out betore on the adop-
tion of the previous question, and I had no
opportunity to offer it. I do not suppose it
will be adopted; but I desire to offer it, to
present my claims for my own county, and to
represent my own views.
Mr. CUSHING, I moved that so much be
considered the third reading of the report, be-
cause I knew this amendment would be thrown
in upon the house. We have consumed near-
ly two hours in discussing the question wheth-
er this report shall be opened to amendment.
The majority of this house, after a long consideration
when the question was open to ar-
gument, when the report went through its
second reading, section by section, accepted
this report as it now stands; and I ask if it
is advisable for the majority of this house in
any way to amend the report. I have heard
i no new reason urged for opening it; no fact
1 which was not before us when it was upon its |
