sirable I think as a protection to the best in-
terests, as providing for the best interests of
these minors.
And it seems to me also to be an act of
justice to those who have had the care of rear-
ing them during a state of infancy. In that
state they have been utterly unable to render
any remuneration whatever to those who
have bad the charge of them. Now I am not
one of those who believe that slavery in this
State is, or ever was, or ever could be profit-
able even should it continue to exist. I be-
lieve that the expenses of the slaveholder in
rearing his slaves, and in providing for them
after they have passed the period of life in
which they can be serviceable, far overbalances
in many instances all the profits accruing
from them while in a condition to render ser-
vice. In the case of these minors, they have
not been able to render any service; the ma-
jority of them are still in a state of infancy
from one to ten and twelve years of age.—
During that period the masters have had the
care of them, have had to provide for their
wants, to feed and clothe them. And it
seems to me it would be but an act of justice
to the masters to let them have their services
until they arrive at the age of maturity, so as
to remunerate them for the care they have ex-
ercised during their infancy.
I am not an advocate of State compensation;
never have been. But I have thought that it
Would be prudent for the general government,
and right for the general government to grant
compensation. But the probability is that
no such compensation ever will be granted.
It seems to me, therefore, in view of that tact,
in view of that probability, that we can af-
ford to do at least this much, to give to the
inasters, when they are the proper persons to
have charge of them, the services of these
minors until they arrive at majority.
I will not at this time, trouble the conven-
tion with any further remarks, except to say
in reference to the proposition of the gentle-
man from Baltimore city (Mr. Stockbridge,)
concerning the education of these minors,
that I have no objection whatever to the ed-
ucation of the negroes of this State. I hope
the time will come when they will be educa-
ted, and be better prepared thereby to become
Useful members of society. But if gentlemen
will look at the proposition I have submitted
they will find that it provides for apprentic-
ing them subject to such regulations as are
now or may be hereafter prescribed by law.
We expect to have a legislature who will
make the necessary statutory law to carry out
the principles embodied in the organic law
which we are now framing. We expect them
to conform that law in all respects not only
to the letter but to the spirit of what we have
done here. And I have no doubt that they
will in regard to this special subject, enact a
law that will make it obligatory upon mas-
ters of apprentices, whether white or black, |
and black as well as white, to teach them to
read and write. Let us leave this matter
then to the legislature, and not descend here
to specific legislation; leave that to the body
properly having charge of it.
Mr. NEGLEY. If the amendment of the gen-
tleman from Baltimore city (Mr. Stockbridge)
were a practicable amendment, if the idea and
the purposes which it contemplates could he
practically realized in the community where
it will and must necessarily be operative, 1
should not object to going for it. But I can-
not see how, in the present state of society in
the large slaveholding counties of this State,
that proposition can be made of any practical
benefit. There are no schools organized now
for the education of these colored people. 1
cannot see how, without a great deal of pre-
paratory legislation and work and arrange-
ment this proposition of the gentleman from
Massachusetts, [laughter]—1 beg the gen-
tleman's pardon; I really did not mean to say
that; I meant " the gentleman from Balti-
more city" (Mr. Stockbridge)—1 do not ace
how it could possibly be carried out. 1
am in a general way, a friend of the educa-
tion of both the black and the white. I believe
that education is a means of lessening crime,
and forwarding the progress of mankind,
both black and white. But at this particular
stage of the history of Maryland, I do not see
bow that possibly could be of any benefit;
therefore I shall not vote for it.
1 shall not vote for the amendment pro-
posed by the gentleman from Baltimore city
(Mr. Stockbridge.) But I shall vote for and
support the section proposed by the gentle-
man from Caroline (Mr. Todd.) I think we
have gone far enough—1 do not see any ne-
cessity for us to go stark mad—upon this subject
of emancipation. I do not see any ne-
cessity for us to run into the opposite extreme.
There is always a tendency, when we leave
one extreme to run into the opposite extreme.
Can we not stop short of that? Can we not
look a little to the good of the people of Ma-
ryland? Can we not look a little to the good
of the emancipated negro? Can we not take
into consideration the public welfare a little?
Now if we emancipate these negroes, as we
hope to. emancipate them, and turn them
loose in these large populous negro commu-
nities, what will be the effect? In the fall of
the year, a inother and a father, with four or
five or more helpless children, are turned
loose. Provisions are scarce and immensely
dear; clothing of all sorts is dear. I ask
gentlemen how it will be possible for the pa-
rents of these negro children to carry them
through the coming winter with comfort, or
even without starvation ?
Mr. CUSHING. Cannot a man of eighteen
or twenty years of age get through the win-
ter?
Mr. NEGLEY. I am not speaking about
him. |
