arguments of other gentlemen. That is my
apology for saying what I did.
The PRESIDENT. The usual course has been
to permit the discussion of the entire subject.
The chair has never taken the authority to
restrict gentlemen strictly to the particular
amendment under consideration.
Mr. PURNELL. My judgment inclines me to
favor the proposition of the gentleman from
Caroline (Mr. Todd,) not for the reasons as-
signed by my honorable friend from Kent
(Mr. Chambers) but for considerations entire-
ly my own. It is not so much for the pur-
pose of protecting or seeking to protect the
interests of the master in this connection, but
for the purpose of ameliorating and improv-
ing the condition of the slave, the party on
whom the provisions of this section must op-
erate.
Now it seems to me that it is proper under
the present circumstances, and under any cir-
cumstances, if you can improve the condition
of any class of the community, either white or
black, to do so. If by biring out, or binding
out, or apprenticing out this class of the com-
munity their condition will be ameliorated,
and they will be brought in habits of indus-
try and impressed with proper principles, no
evil can result to them or to the community.
And if incidentally some benefit may result
to the master, that should not be an objec-
tion.
But I rise more particularly to address my
remarks to the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Baltimore city (Mr. Stock-
bridge,) in relation lo providing for the edu-
cation of this class. That gentleman, I know,
understands very well the distinction be-
tween white and black apprentices. He un-
derstands that the legislature of Maryland a
long time ago made vastly different provisions
for the two classes. The one is provided with an
education, and with other advantages; while
in the case of binding out the other the arti-
cles of apprenticeship, or the indentures, are
not required to express that the negro shall
beeducated, as is required in the other case.
Now I will read for 'the benefit of the gentle-
man—hardly necessary for his benefit, for be
knows it too well to require me to do that—
but for the benefit of others whose attention
has not been directed to that particular stat-
ute, the provision in relation to white ap-
prenticeship, which says, [Code, article 6,
section 15 :]
"Every child bound out under the provi-
sions of this article shall, if a male, be bound
until be arrives at the age of twenty-one
years; or, if a female, the age of eighteen
years. And the said courts shall in all cases,
make it a part of the contract on the part of
the master or mistress of such apprentice,
that be or she shall give such apprentice
reasonable education in reading, writing and
arithmetic, to-be particularized therein; and
also teach such apprentice especially if a |
male, gome useful art or trade; and in all
cases supply clothing and maintenance."
That is for the white apprentice. In the
same article of the code, section 36, will be
found what is necessary, or rather what is
unnecessary in all contracts of apprenticeship
for the other race.
" It shall not be necessary in any such in-
denture, or in any indenture of a negro made
by the trustees of the poor, to require that
any education shall be given to such negro
apprentice."
There is the distinction. Now I am not
prepared to say that it is necessary to educate
the negro, in order to make him useful to the
community, and useful to himself, or to pre-
pare him after he arrives at years of maturity
to go and set up for himself, and.to perform
all the necessary duties that may devolve upon
him as a citizen, occupying the sphere which
he must necessarily occupy.
Does any one profess upon this floor that
the negro will ever occupy the status of
the white man? Is there any individual who
can ever bring his mind to the conclusion
that that degraded race will ever be raised to
the degree of the white race? I mean exactly
what I say; because that they are inferior to
the white race there is no doubt. The God
of nature when He created, stamped upon
their forehead the mark as broad and lasting
as the mark upon Cain. is there any man
who would elevate them to the degree of the
white man? I cannot think so. The idea
that the negro can ever elevate himself to the
condition of the white man is preposterous,
But unfortunately the white man can debase
himself to the condition of the negro,
But I cannot support a proposition to ele-
vate the negro to the sphere of the while man.
While I am willing to see him bound to a
master, to a kind and benevolent benefactor,
who will raise him up to habits of industry,
I am unwilling to educate him and prepare
him for the higher walks of life—those which
are occupied by his superiors, the white race.
And in advocating this principle I do no vio-
lence to the principles npon which I was
elected to this convention. I came here as an
emancipationist: I voted for what is now the
twenty-fourth article of the bill of rights, and
I boast in that important act of my life, be-
cause I think it is for the benefit of the State
of Maryland, though for a while it may sub-
ject us to some temporary inconvenience.—
And I think the time will come when we all
shall come to the conclusion that it is not
alone for the benefit of the negro, and not to
the prejudice of the master, but on the con-
trary it is to the advantage Of the master, and
the co-relative advantage of both master and
slave.
I had other reasons which controlled my
vote on that subject, which it is not now ne-
cessary to detail, having already in an hum-
ble way expressed them. |
