could in no way damage any portion of our
State. But on the contrary, if the facts were
found to be as we believe them to be, would
it not, in this hour of distress, result in great
amelioration to our people?
I can say for our county that famine almost
stalks abroad in our land, A draft is impend-
ing over us, and we are continually, day after
day, subject to bodies of military passing to
and fro. I do not say it with any view to dis-
parage our forces, but it is well known that
there is no army, however well disciplined it
may be, but what has its attendants, camp fol-
lowers and stragglers. And I do say most un-
hesitatingly that it is necessary in many in-
stances especially after the officers have left that
gome male person should be about the pre-
mise's to protect the females. I will say that in
our town, in most if not in all instances where
officers have been present, they have readily
granted relief when we have been imposed
upon by stragglers and camp followers. But
when officers are not present it is necessary
for some man to be there to assert his rights ;
and not only to assert his rights, but to throw
around those who are endeared to him by ev-
ery tie of affection that protection which they
need and which they ought to receive.
Another difficulty under which we labor in
our county results in consequence of the late
raid. Many of us who were able but a few
months ago to have placed substitutes in the
service, and thus been enabled to remain with
our families, are now left in a manner desti-
tute. is it anything more than fair and right,
after we have been subjected to these heavy
losses, not occasioned by ourselves, not the re-
sult of any acts of which we have been guil-
ty—is it not fair that the government should
at least be inclined to show us some little fa-
vor? Because the distinction between the por-
tion of Maryland which I represent, and New
York, Maine, flew Hampshire, etc., is that
they hardly realize that there is war in the
land. They do not feel its desolating effects ;
they do not feel the terrible scourge which has
so lately visited us.
Now if we have suffered in this respect, as
every person must admit who will visit our
county, is it but fair, if we can show this to the
government, that it should at least show us
some little favor, although we cannot ask it
as a legal right? Again, are we not entitled
to the slaves which have left our State, if they
be in the government employ"
Our slaves up to this time do not stand in the
position which the free white men of other States
stand in. I will admit that as a free white
man of the State of Maryland, if I had chosen
to go to the city of New York and accept the
larger bounty which that city offers, it would
have been fairly entitled to the credit on my ac
ceptance. But was that the position occupied by
our slaves? They had no right to leave oil
employment. No man from the State of New
York, or from Massachusetts, or from any other |
State in the north, had the right to get one of
our slaves by giving him the bounty from one
of those States, and thereby get credit tor him
for that State. These slaves were our prop-
erty, and they have no right of their own to
leave this State, or to represent any other
State in the service, without first obtaining
the consent of their masters. Then if we have
been deprived of the credit these slaves would
have given us, by the large bounties offered
in other States and cities, it is a wrong un-
justly perpetrated upon us. And unless such
State or city, obtaining a credit for our ne-
groes, could show that it was by the express
permission or license of their masters, then
contend that the governments in all ilconor
and all justice bound to give ill" people of our
State a fair credit tor them. And not to the
State at large, but to the county from which
those negroes were obtained.
1 do not think any gentleman of this convention
can discover anything sinister in a
motion of this kind. I do not think any
gentleman in this body, as the representative
of his county or of his district, can under any
circumstances refuse to vote for a resolution.
of this character. It can of itself do no barm.
it can throw no obstacle in the way of the
general government, in carrying out the
draft as soon as it may think it right and
proper to do so. it will be a mere matter of
investigation, if we are fairly entitled too it)
let us have it. If not, then the government
can refuse to grant us the favor. They have
the right to refuse, whether we are rightfully
entitled to this credit or not. But the ques-
tion with me is this; if we present to them a
fair, honest, and just case, will they turn a
de if ear to the petition of the people of Ma-
ryland through this convention ?
I would like to see every man in this con-
vention vote for a matter of this, kind. it
would then have force in it; it would carry
weight with it; it would present this State as
a body to the government, and the govern-
ment merely as a favor might perhaps grant
it—for we can only ask it as a favor, not as a
legal right.
Now as regards the State being credited
with eight thousand men. Perchance she
may be so credited; perchance she may have
that many regularly enlisted. But is that a
fair proportion of the able-bodied negro men
that have left our State? It is a matter, I will
admit, that I have not fully investigated, that
I have not examined into. But if other coun-
ties have furnished able-bodied negro men in
proportion to our county, then the State is
certainly entitled to a much larger credit than
eight thousand.
Mr. SCHLEY. I do not say that only Mary-
land has been credited with only eight thousand
men. But I say that eight thousand and
more of her deficiency has been stricken off,
been obliterated from the requisition made
upon her. |
