them, save those who have studied military
science, and, so far as their capacities enable
them to do so, have mastered that science.
Why, sir, one-half of the terrible butcheries
of this unhappy civil war, have been the
result of placing civilians, men not trained
to arms, and having nothing but the ambition
that led them to accept the positions, to the
command of their fellow-citizens in the field.
I think, if, in the time of invasion or insur-
rection, the governor of the State will faith-
fully discharge the merely civil duties per-
taining to his office, be will have his hands
full, and may well leave the direction of affairs
in the field to some military man.
Mr. BERRY, of Prince George's. I shall
offer the following amendment: strikeout all
after the word "laws," and insert, "and shall
take command in person of the militia of the
State when in active service of the State, or
of the United States."
Mr. JONES, of Somerset. Say "may,' ' not
"shall ;" give him the discretion.
Mr. VALLIANT. That is in conflict with
the constitution of the United States.
the PRESIDENT. The amendment of the
gentleman from Prince George's (Mr. Berry,)
is not now in order. The question is upon
the motion of the gentleman from Cecil (Mr.
Scott,) to strike out all after the word
"laws."
Mr. BERRY, of Prince George's. I think it
is entirely useless to make the governor the
commander-in-chief of the forces of Maryland,
without you give him the power to command
them in the field. The gentleman from How-
ard (Mr. Sands) has said a great deal about
the results of placing those who are not mili-
tary men by education, as officers, over
soldiers in the field. With that I have noth-
ing to do. If yon make your governor com-
mander-in-chief of the force's of the State, as a
matter of course, he ought to command them
when in the field, if he knows that to be his
duty when made governor) and he has no
military instruction, then he ought to fit him-
self, not only for the civil, but the military
responsibilities of his position. And no man
should accept a position that he was not fitted
for in any important point of view. And I
will tell gentlemen, if they ever elect me gov-
ernor of this State, and I have that power,
I will lead them upon the field of battle
myself.
Mr, PUGH. I wish to say in answer to the
gentleman from Howard (Mr. Sands,) that as
long as yon make the governor of the State,
the commander-in-chief of the army and naval
forces of the State, you do not gel rid at all
of this difficulty about political generals.
That governor, and as commander-in-chief,
if he sees fit, can appoint these political gen-
erals; and all the disasters pictured by the
gentleman as resulting to our armies from
that class of generals, will result still the
game, from the appointment of those generals, |
as they have resulted heretofore by similar
appointments made by the President of the
United States. The only way to remove that
difficulty here, would be to strike oat the
whole section. If the governor is to be com-
mander-in-chief, that settles the matter. He
is commander-in-chief by virtue of the con-
stitution, by virtue of his office as governor ;
and as commander-in-chief, all these evil
results will follow from political generals
under him, just as much as though he was a
political general himself in the field.
But here is our security, viewing the con-
stitution in this way; viewing the office of
governor as I do; when we know that the
man to be placed in the position of chief mag-
istrate of the State is to have this wonderful
power, when we know, as the gentleman from
Howard says, that be has the lives of our
brethren in his hands, we will be more guard-
ed in our action in electing a governor; we
will not elect a man for that high position
who is not qualified in every way to be the
guardian of our lives and interests.
Mr. SANDS. Does not the argument of the
gentleman resalt in this: that we are not to
elect a man for governor who has not a mili-
tary education ?
Mr. PUGH. No, sir. It will have j ust the
effect I have stated; it will make us more
guarded in our selection of that officer. I do
not pretend to announce the doctrine that we
should always elect a West Point graduate
to be governor of this State, But we should
elect a careful man, a man who feels the re-
sponsibility of his position as commander-in-
chief of our army as well as in every other
respect; a man who would not sacrifice the
lives of the citizens committed to his care by
appointing political generals over them; a
man who would not himself take command in
the field if he saw and felt himself unfit to
command. A governor of the State who
will commit the lives of our soldiers to the
care of an incompetent general, would also, if
be had the power, inflict just as great an in-
jury in some other manner upon the citizens
of the State. He is not fit to be the represen-
tative of the people of the State, unless he
guards their interests in this respect as well as
in all 'others. If he is the governor of the
State, and by virtue of that office the com-
mander-in-chief of the army, be has the pow-
er by virtue alone of that position—if he is
unprincipled, as the gentleman suggests
might be possible—to do all the injury that
the gentleman has depicted.
Mr. SANDS. The gentleman mistakes my
argument. I did not say that the governor
would be unprincipled. I said he might be
incompetent as a military man.
Mr. PUGH. I did not represent the gentle-
man as saying that the governor would be
unprincipled. I say that a man is unprinci-
pled who baa been selected by the people of
this State to command the military forces of |
