nounced persons who held sympathy with
the south, the gentleman from Baltimore
goes further and requires them to swear that
never hereafter will they enter into any po-
litical combination . no matter what the state
of circumstances may be, whereby a sever-
ance of the Union shall be effected.
We cannot tell what may be the course of
events. We do not know in this day of revo-
lution what a moment will bring forth. Does
the gentleman desire that persons standing as
we do, in our relations towards our govern-
ment, should swear that under no state of
circumstances will we change our political
relations to the government? I do not know,
if things continue to progress as they have
done, in destroying our institutions, but what
I may get up an organization of a social char-
acter to remove to England as the only gov-
ernment now existing where the citizen is
protected in all his rights. There is a fealty
under the government of England due to the
Queen; but in every respect is the citizen
respected in his rights, a great deal more, and
there is more stability in that government,
than any government now know,
Under no state of circumstances would I
vote for either one of these propositions.
They are both obnoxious and must be to every
reflecting mind To attempt to bind down
the citizen forever hereafter, no matter what
change may take place in our government, is
a thing which I hope every reflecting mind
will at once reject; and I hope the convention
by voting it down will show their condemna-
tion of it.
Mr. JONES, of Somerset. The convention
is not full this morning and this subject now-
pending is of vital importance. I have been
necessarily absent from my seat for several
days, and have not been able to examine this
question. If there is any other portion of
the report not liable to so much exception as
this, I would most respectfully suggest to the
chairman of the committee (Mr. Sands, and
to the convention that this section be infor-
mally passed over, until we can have a fuller
house and can give it a more mature consid-
eration than we now can upon the s pur of the
moment. I suggest it as a matter of courte-
sy. The amendment now pending is not even
printed yet, mid certainly it deserves some
careful consideration. The minority report
has not been printed. I think under all the
circumstances it will not do any harm; and
it may be some satisfaction.
The PRESIDENT. The minority report is
upon the journal.
Mr. JONES, of Somerset, It is in the jour-
nal. but has not been printed in bill form. I
think this is a matter for the most grave
consideration, how far, in the the very midst
of such a revolution as this in which we now
find ourselves, in view of all the uncertain-
ties which have attended the military opera-
tions since this war began, in view of the |
many disappointments which have followed
very confident predictions of success in view
of the very grave responsibility which this
convention assumes, it shall attempt to put
into the oath of office, amid the wild bitter
feelings arising from civil war, qualifications
for holding office. It does seem to me that
there is ground for appealing to the conven-
tion to pause and consider the matter dis-
tinctly, at least so far as the circumstances
of the case will allow, understandingly at
least; to let us know the score of the amend-
ments which are presented, and of the propo-
sitions which are proposed to be embodied in
the constitution.
The theory upon which constitutions are
formed, is that they are for all time to come.
If we are so acting, and not for the unhappy,
excited moment, full of all incertitude and of
all danger—if we are acting for the future—
if we hope that this work is to stand, and
that we are to have a permanent constitu-
tion for the people of Maryland—it the pur-
pose of this convention is to establish truth
and justice and right, and to invoke all those
principles in the constitution which is to be
presented to the vole of the people, we ought
to act upon the petition in our Lord's prayer,
"lead us not into temptation.''
I think that of all the mistakes which have
attended the operations of our government
during this unfortunate war, that of requir-
ing continual and repeated oaths from every
person arrested on the most trivial expression
overheard by some detective of the govern-
ment, or by some false-hearted personal
enemy, perverted and taken out of its true
meaning and made the basis of complaint
and arrest—of all the mislakes which have
been made, this is one of the most grave, Its
tendency has not been to repress what is
called disloyalty. While interfering with
the right of freedom of speech, which the
convention has uniformly asserted as one of
the natural rights of man, its tendency has
not been to the peace, quiet and good order
of the community—to establish the govern-
ment in the affections of its citizens, but its
tendency has been to irritate, to alienate, to
exasperate, to demoralize. And after three
years of experiment the wonder is that it
should be persisted in.
I regret very much that I have not had an
opportunity of examining these oaths that I
might in detail examine the particular pro-
visions which are attempted to be introduced,
I have no doubt, very honestly and patriot-
ically on the part of those who have presented
them to the consideration of the convention.
Yet, sir, we should distrust ourselves. I feel
a consciousness of the necessity of invoking
the injunction for myself, and I very much
fear that my friends in the convention, upon
both sides, are under the like necessity of
impressing upon themselves alike injunction
of caution, of forbearance, of deliberation |
