I know that anything I may lay upon this
floor is entitled to, or will receive, but little
consideration or weight; but. I do ask and
implore gentlemen to consider this matter.
This thing has been brought up unexpectedly
in this house, at least so far as I am con-
cerned. I do not know what other gentle-
men knew about it. But I beg gentlemen to
look well to the course of action in which
they are about to embark. I ask them whether,
from a spirit of prejudice, or partisan
bate, they are willing to incorporate in their
organic law a provision which to my mind
contains such objectionable features. I insist
that this section two, as reported from
the committee, ought to be sufficient to satisfy
even the most ultra upon this subject.
I will suggest here that as I heard the
amendment read I think the gentleman has
left out a portion of section two, as reported
by the majority of the committee, that al-
though a man may come back to Maryland
having in his pocket 40,000 copies of the
amnesty proclamation of the executive of
the country, wiping out the offences of that
man committed against him, yet when he
came to tread the soil of his native State, he
would be to all intents and purpose's as an
outcast, exiled and banished. I suggest to
the gentleman the propriety of having this
incorporated, applying to the men who
have left us and will come back, that
they may not come back to our BORDER=0s thus
disfranchised and branded. Let bygones be
by gones. Let the dead past bury its dead.
Let us, when this unhappy war shall come
to an end, try to forget the past, and em-
bark, if we can, upon a new era of happiness
and of prosperity.
Mr. STOCKBRIDGE. I am surprised at the language
which has fallen from the gentleman
from Charles, who has just taken his seat.—
Malice, prejudice, partisan hate—those are the
motives which are ascribed to the introduction
of this article. Pray, where do we stand, and
what are we doing? Even now we can almost
hear the echo of the guns fired by natives of
Maryland, not at the troops of the land, but
at the peaceful, quiet citizens of Frederick,
Washington and Montgomery counties; fired
by native's of Maryland, robbing, plundering
highwaymen, ranging through the highways
and byways and mountains of those counties,
crossing from our own State into Pennsylva-
nia aid burning Chambersburg, in visiting
Cumberland in our own State; those guns
and bayonets directed at the hearts of peaceful,
quiet husbandmen about their daily avo-
cations. W hen we propose to brand such con-
duct as it deserves, we are charged with mal-
ice, prejudice, partisan hate. Pray, sir, what
is prejudice? Judgment before the fact. Is
this judgment before the fact? It is written
in characters of fire and blood in every coun-
ty of this State.
And because of what? Has Maryland se- |
ceded? Do those men shelter themselves un-
der the flimsy pretext of State's rights men?
Has the action of their own State in any form
carried them into rebellion against the gov-
ernment of the United States, the national
government over them? They have not even
this shadowy, flimsy pretext; but individ-
uals of our State have by scores gone to join
these armies. The gentleman from Montgom-
ery, not now in his seat (Mr. Lansdale,) will
tell you that but a few days ago one of these
recreant sons of Maryland, with a whole bri-
gade at his heels, came to his house, and de-
manded lodging for his thieving horde there,
and quartered himself in his private house,
and upon his premises they plundered far and
wide.
Suppose that man comes back here to ac-
complish by his votes what he fails lo accom-
plish in arms. Is be lo have all the rights of
the gentleman from Charles who has just ta-
ken his seat (Mr. Edelen,) and who has re-
mained here as a loyal man dun ing this time?
Is that justice? Is it prejudice, malice, parti-
san hate, to say to him that he shall not exer-
cise those rights?
Can we try and convict these men of trea-
son? Will not the same voice that pleads for
them upon this floor, in the jury-box and else-
where, clamor against such a violation of the
right of war? You remember that at the
battle of Gettysburg, they were taken, I will
not name them, from commander J. R. Trim-
ble down. They were brought to Baltimore;
and how did they stand? were they prisoners
of war, or were they arrested felons? They
were natives of Maryland, citizens here, who
had not left the State with the design of re-
maining abroad, who had left the State only
to gather a force with which they might come
back as conquerors and place the yoke of the
Southern Confederacy upon the neck of Mary-
land; and how have they been treated? If
they are still citizens of Maryland, notwith-
standing that practical adjuration, they may
vote at your election to-morrow, unless yon
have such a provision as this to prevent it.
There were scores of persons of my own
acquaintance among the rabble crowd brought
to Baltimore after that battle. they have
been treated hitherto as prisoners of war.—
Some of them have been exchanged, and some
are now in the various fortresses of the Union.
Suppose peace takes place to-morrow; what
then? Are they to move among men here
with all the rights and privileges of those
whom the month or week before they were
endeavoring to destroy? it is gross injustice.
It is a wanton outrage. They have shown
that they are fit for any crime. they have
done their utmost, Staked their lives, in the
determination and effort to overthrow our gov-
ernment. Will they not be glad peaceably
and quietly to accomplish the same result by
going to the ballot-box and voting there?—
Shall we permit that? They have committed |
