a proposition to lessen one-half the fund
which would otherwise be at the disposal of
my county for educational purposes. As I
humbly conceive it, the question of distribu-
ting this fund in proportion to the white pop-
ulation does not in any manner raise the
question of who are to be educated by the
fund. There is nothing in this section upon
that subject. It provides that—
"The general assembly shall levy at each
regular session after the adoption of this con-
stitution, an annual tax of not less than ten
cents on each one hundred dollars of taxable
property throughout the State for the sup-
port of the tree public schools, which tax
shall be collected at the same time, and by
the same agents as the general State levy,
and shall be paid into the treasury of the
State, and shall be distributed under such
regulations as may be prescribed by law,
among the counties and the city of Baltimore,
in proportion to their respective population,
between the ages of five and twenty years."
Now, if you insert the word " white ' ' be-
tween the words "respective" and "popu-
lation," do you at all confine education
to white people more than the section now
does? It is merely prescribing the rule of
distribution and has nothing at all to do
with the persons to be educated by means of
the fund so distributed. And who are to
control the application of this fund—the
counties or the legislature? And if you
should ever have a legislature in favor of
educating the blacks, will the fact that this
fund is distributed according to the white
population prevent the legislature from pro-
ving for the education of blacks by means of
the fund so distributed? No, sir. The issue
upon which the gentleman from Baltimore
(Mr. Cushing) wishes to place the adoption
or rejection of this amendment is a false
issue. The education of the blacks, or of
the whites alone, according as you adopt the
one or the other rule of distribution is not at
all involved in this question.
And that being the case, this being merely
to establish the rule of distribution, and my
county being entitled to receive double the
amount when the distribution is made ac-
cording to the whole population, and not at
all involving the question of who shall enjoy
the benefit of this fund, I cannot, for one,
vote for the amendment of my colleague.
Many of us have here claimed that repre-
sentation should be based upon the entire
population. I believe every gentleman upon
this floor, with whom I am accustomed to
act, has taken the ground that whether or
not representation is apportioned according
to the respective populations of the counties,
it should be based upon the entire population.
But because population is made the basis of
representation, does it follow that yon con-
cede to the negro the right to vote? Not at
all. Because you include the negro in the |
basis of representation, the negro does not
therefore vote. I use this illustration only to
show that the having the one or the other
basis of representation, or the one or the
other mode of distributing your school fund,
has nothing at all to do with who shall be
entitled to vote, or who shall enjoy the benefit
of the school fund.
My course has been consistent upon this
question of slavery. I am opposed to the
abolition of slavery, and have done what I
could to prevent it, I am also opposed to
the further increase of the negro population
of this State, and have submitted a proposi-
tion here to keep them out. I have further
announced myself in favor of incorporating
into this constitution, a clause giving the
legislature power to carry out a scheme of
colonization. While the institution of slavery
is in the State of Maryland, there is a slave
population in the State of Maryland.
But so soon as you destroy the institution
of slavery in Maryland against my will and
wishes, then another theory is to be inaugu-
rated in the State of Maryland; that is, upon
the basis of free labor, skilled, labor, and
the distribution of education as far as it can
be done. And I want to get all the money
possible into my county to carry out that
scheme of education. I do not want to see
negro settlements taking the place of work-
shops and villages of skilled white labor. If
the hospitable mansion and the. large estate
is to pass away, do not let the negro settle
down there, but rather give the white man
the preference. When the institution of
slavery is gone, I will then do what I can
under the other system of labor to promote
the interest of the State.
And now one word in reference to this
question of educating the negro. I am op-
posed to the abolition of slavery, and would
like to see all free negroes prohibited from
coming into the State, and would like also to
get rid of what negroes we halve. But if yon
set them free against my wishes and my
vote, then I must say, that for one, I cannot
consistently close my eyes and raise my
arm against any and every avenue through
which light can be thrown upon the mind of
the negro, if you inaugurate a new system
in this State, I can see no objection to edu-
cating the negro. I do not mead to have
him educated in the same school with the
white, but let the legislature provide regula-
tions by which they can be taxed, and the
proceeds be applied to schools for negroes.
I am not, under these circumstances, com-
mitted to closing every avenue of light to the
negro, and keeping him in a state of ignor-
ance and heathenism, if the negro is freed
a little education will do him no barm.
With these views, I see nothing inconsist-
ent with the future prospects of the State in
adopting the basis of distribution here pro-
posed. Regarding it as a proposition to give |
