time, and the great stumbling-block in the
way of a uniform system of public school ed-
ucation in Maryland appeared to be that the
members of the lower counties—that was the
expression—had made opposition thereto. I
am a stranger to these halls. I never was here
either as a senator or a delegate.
Mr, ABBOTT. I made no allusion to the
gentleman. I was speaking in general terms.
Mr. EDELEN. The gentlemen said he was
sorry to see that we were met here to-day by
similar obstacles; that we of southern Mary-
land were not willing to appropriate money or
endure taxation "to pay for educating the
brats of poor white men." That was the
gentleman's language.
Mr. ABBOTT. I said that was the language
used here in 1856; and we had been ten or
fifteen years trying to get something done,
Mr. EDELEN. The whole scope and tenor of
the gentleman's arguments, at least its impres-
sion upon my mind, was that a delegate of one
of the lower counties of Maryland was treading
in the footsteps of those who had been here in
1856 and at subsequent periods.
The PRESIDENT. I think the gentleman
from Baltimore city only intended to reiterate
the expressions used by the legislature when
he was a member.
Mr. ABBOTT. That was all.
Mr. EDELEN. I regretted to hear these ex-
pressions, for the reason that I thought the
day had passed by—I had hoped so—when
this bane of party which has been dividing
us on other questions, would exert any longer
that sort of influence. I had hoped we were
ready to bury the tomahawk of strife and
smoke the calumet of peace. But the gentle-
man has seen fit to refer to these topics again.
There seems to be against the people of the
lower counties a settled hatred, spite, malevo-
lence, or some other passion seated in his
heart, which must out in order to give him
relief, I was not aware that I had said ought
upon this floor to provoke the ire of the gen-
tleman from Baltimore city. I do not know
who these gentlemen were in lower Maryland
or on the eastern shore in 1856 referred to by
the gentleman. I cannot recollect who repre-
sented my county here. My friend who sits
by me (Mr. Parran,) I know has been in these
halls from Calvert since 1852 pretty generally.
He can speak upon that point.
I will merely reiterate what I said, to show
that my people are not the foes of public
school education. We of Charles county
have in our small extent of territory thirty
school-houses. Out of an annual levy of
twenty-five thousand dollars for all purposes,
the statistics show that nine thousand dollars
has gone to pay the teachers in our public
schools, besides the amount levied to build
school-houses, &c. So in Prince George's
county, one-fifth of the amount they levy for
county expenses is to pay their primary
school teachers. What say these facts? Are |
we of lower Maryland friends or foes of pub-
lic school instruction? If the gentleman knew
these facts and made the statement he did, or
if he did not know them and carelessly made
the statement he did, he must stand, I appre-
hend, in the estimation of everybody in the
same category a if he had wilfully misstated
that which he knew to be the fact.
But I hope the convention will pardon this
digression. I desired to correct the gentle-
man this morning, but he would not give
way. I will merely say now that I hope the
amendment of the gentleman from Baltimore
city will not prevail; that although lie has
changed the language he still retains the ob-
jectionable features. For the reasons that 1
have briefly endeavored to state, I shall
support the amendment of the gentleman
from Anne Arundel to strike out all the latter
part of this section, and leave the power to
the legislature of the State. I am not willing
for one, that if the legislature fail to do it,
we shall say that A, B, C or D may do it,
and that it shall be a law and become the sys-
tem of public school instruction of this State.
Mr. SANDS. A word or two in reply to the
argument of the gentleman upon the other
side and especially to meet the accusation
that we were stripping the legislature of pow-
er and distrusting it. I say the section does
not do that at all. That is apparent through-
out. It simply provides for their default;
that is all. They may do the thing. They
are commanded to do the thing. But in de-
fault of their doing it, then another thing
shall be done.
Mr. EDELEN. That is distrusting them. It
is a want of confidence.
Mr. SANDS. 1'. say that we are not dis-
trusting them. See what we have said. In
the first place, we say the general assembly
shall provide the details of the system. Is
that distrusting them? We say, that is your
duty; do it. Is that distrusting them? But
in order to make sure of the matter we go
further. I am sure my friend is a friend of
public education, and his people, from his
own statement, are friends of public education
and will want to make it sure—we go further
and provide that their wants in this respect
shall be met. If this legislature makes de-
fault, the people of Charles shall not suffer by
the default. As to letting A B and C make
laws for us whose fault will it be if that be-
comes the case? Ours here tonight, who
provide that this matter shall go into the
bands of the legislature? Or will it be the
fault of that legislature who refuse to obey
our positive command to act?
As to. the difficulty about this matter of
legislation, I doubt not that in any body
fresh from the people, or representing the
people on this subject, in any body constitu-
ted as ours is there would be no trouble atall
in enacting a uniform system of education.
1 believe my friend from Charles (Mr. Edelen) |
