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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1133   View pdf image (33K)
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1133
and respectful language, that while the ma-
jority announces these doctrines in this shape
and form, we of the minority in the mode
and manner conceded by all parliamentary
bodies, take the poor privilege of disputing
these propositions, and do so in respectful
and dignified language.
Mr. SCHLEY. Will the gentleman from
Prince George's (Mr, Clarke) allow me to
call his attention to pages 254 and 255 of the
journal of proceedings? He will there see
that he has forgotten what was the exact
nature of the proceedings:
'' Mr. BARRON moved a suspension of the
rules, in. order to take up the resolutions
submitted by Mr. Stirling on yesterday, in
reference to the removal beyond the lines of
the army, of sympathizers with the rebel-
lion."
That question was decided in the affirma-
tive, by yeas and nays.
" The resolutions were then read a second
time.
"Mr. BELT Submitted the following amend-
ment :
"Add to the end of the first resolution the
words:
"Provided, however, that nothing con-
tained herein shall be taken, &c."
So that there was an opportunity to sub-
mit an amendment to the resolution belore
the previous question was called.
Mr, CLARKE. There were different resolu-
tions. I was speaking in reference to the
resolution submitted by the gentleman from
Frederick (Mr. Schley.)
Mr. STIRLING, There was no previous
question called on that resolution.
Mr, CLARKE. I was simply taking the re-
marks of the gentleman as made here. I was
not here then. But it is not material to my
argument at all. The previous question was
called upon the resolution of the gentleman
from Baltimore city (Mr. Stirling,) although
there was an amendment offered. There was
no opportunity to debate the question; the
previous question was called, cutting off all
debate. Whether there was an amendment
or not offered, that does not vary the propo-
sition that there was allowed no opportunity
of discussion. And I say, the fact being so,
we simply ask, in a respectful mode and man-
ner, to put upon record our opposition in the
form of a protest to those resolutions.
The gentleman from Baltimore county
(Mr. Ridgely) has said there is nothing in
this paper disrespectful to this house, noth-
ing personal; nothing more than an enun-
ciation that the principles embodied in these
resolutions will logically produce certain re-
sults. While that gentleman differs from
our conclusions there, he says there is noth-
ing disrespectful in the paper. It is nothing
more than an attempt upon the part of the
minority to exercise a right conceded in all
cases, so far as I am informed, under the rules
of parliamentary practice, to pat their views
upon the journal, in such cases, in the form
of a protest.
Now, one word more in reference to what
is contained in this protest. The gentleman
from Frederick (Mr, Schley) says the effect
of this paper will be to continue agitation.
1 will now not allude to that portion of his
remarks, where he says it was drawn up with
insidious views or intentions. He says it is
done for the purpose of calling the public
mind to this question.
Mr. SCHLEY. 1 did not say it was; I said
"if it was."
Mr. CLARKE. 1 humbly conceive that that
is no reason why it should be objected to. If
the majority think these resolutions are so
true and correct, why not let the public mind
take them up, and grasp them, and agitate
them? And if they are wrong, should not
the public attention be called to them? And
should not the public mind be invited to sift
the right from the wrong? And taking
either view of the question, if it is done with
that object, it is ahigh and landable purpose
in free America, I hope.
And now, in reference to this protest being
an attack upon the federal government. 1
can nowhere find any such attack made. On
the contrary, we announced that the Presi-
dent of the United States, with his military
commanders and his provost marshals, and
all the machinery which lie thinks necessary
to place in the State of Maryland, for the
purpose of carrying out the laws; with
the Congress of the United States in session
since this rebellion broke out, and subsequent
to various invasions made heretofore into the
State of Maryland; with the legislature of
Maryland completing its session only a few
months ago ;—still no such proposition of
law, no such principles have been announced
by them. We therefore respectfully remind
the majority here, and the people of the
State, that in view of the fact that such prin-
ciples have not been announced or recognized
by any one exercising authority either in the
federal government or in the State govern-
ment, we conceive that it is not necessary
that those powers should be exercised. And
we further infer that the attempted exercise
of them would be unjust, unconstitutional,
and paving the way to a military despotism.
Is there anything wrong in that? Nay, fur-
ther: did not, so soon as these resolutions
appeared in the public prints, the National
Intelligencer, of Washington city—1 do not
know what is the real organ of the adminis-
tration, but that is regarded as the organ of
some of the advisers of the President—
Mr. SCHLEY. By whom?
Mr. CLARKE. By a great many; by me for
one. And I have been referred to articles ill
the Intelligencer at certain times as express-
ing views of members of the Cabinet upon
questions then under discussion, and the loy-


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1133   View pdf image (33K)
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