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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1114   View pdf image (33K)
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1114
make the exchange, you get rid of that much
interest which the State is bound to make
up annually; of course that is desirable,
Again, as to the proper persons to consti-
tute the board to make this sale. The gov-
ernor is the first officer in the State. The
comptroller and the treasurer are the bonded
and sworn financial agents of the State, who
are perfectly conversent with these matters,
and know them perfectly well, and who
alone are competent to make this exchange
profitably to the State, And this can be
done wihout any additional expense to the
State, by raising, as this convention ought
to do, properly the salaries of the comptroller
and the treasurer. Then this additional
work can be done without any additional
expense.
And it is infinitely better that this question
be settled, and the public mind be relieved,
than to leave it open and throw it over to the
legislature. Now, what will be the effect of
leaving the question open to the legislature?
What has been the effect of bringing this
question into the legislature of the State of
Maryland, in times past? This building has
been surrounded by swarms of lobbyists, in
the interest of those who wish to make profit
out of any legislation which will prow out of
this subject. And if you leave this question
over to the legislature, will you not have
this thing repeated? Will you not have any
number of men here, who will use any power
that any amount of money can bring to bear,
in order to control the character of the board
which will have the power to sell under le-
gislative action? They will be here just as
certain as that two and two make four, in
any number, and by every means to operate
upon the legislature, to indicate, and I be-
lieve they will succeed, the character of the
men who are to constitute this board. Now
it is better that this question be settled at
once and forever,
In regard to this subject of restricting the
legislature, and this matter of corrupt influ-
ences operating upon the legislature, I would
wish to read a short extract from a paper in
regard to the Pennsylvania legislature. It is
as follows:
"The people of Pennsylvania voted yes-
terday on three amendments to the constitu-
tion of the State of an important character :
1. " To permit the soldiers from that State
to vote at elections; Mr, George W. Wood-
ward having, as judge of the supreme court,
declared that volunteers, by crossing the
State line, forfeit their elective franchise.
2. " To prevent the legislature from passing
any law embracing more than one subject
This is to defeat " omnibus bills" and other
swindles. There is a similar provision in the
constitution of New York already, relating
to private and local bills; but it has been
practically annulled by judicial construc-
tions.
3. " To forbid the legislature from passings
any law changing the decision of courts.
The wholesomeness of such a provision is
self evident.
"While the first amendment confers a
right, too long withheld upon citizen soldiers,
the latter two are salutary in restricting the
powers and scope of a professional lobby,
under which the legislation of the State has
become notoriously a matter of bargain and
sale. Neither Albany, Trenton, Springfield
nor Indianapolis, with their acknowledged
corruptions, have so bad a reputaiton as
Harrisburg.'"
I think they might as well have included
Annapolis in that category. That is the fact.
And in making the declaration, I do not mean
to impugn any man's integrity. I only speak
of it as a fact in the history of the day, that
is beyond the power of contradiction. I
assert it as a tact, which ia acknowledged all
over this country, that it is not good policy
to leave these things to the legislature.
Where a convention has the power and abil-
ity to settle this question, let it do so,
And besides, I am in favor of consistency.
The gentleman from Frederick (Mr. Schley)
came into this body and reported a constitu-
tional provision for the sale of the public
works. And now he signs a minority report
from this select committee against a consti-
tutional provision for such a sale.
Mr SCHLEY. What I objected to in the
majority report, was the provision for the
special submission of this question to the
people.
Mr. NEGLEY. Well, I believe the gentle-
man has changed now, and come over to his
original ground. Now, I do not choose to
travel up the bill and down again; I do not
choose lo go up a pole on one side in favor of
a measure, and down the pole on the other
side against it. My mind was made up upon
this question, and I mean to stick to it I
am honestly of the opinion that it is for the
interest of the State of Maryland that this
sale be made , I am sure the people generally
think so, and that they will hail with pleas-
sure a provision that disposes of this question.
I am satisfied of that. Therefore I will sup-
port that report, whether with the amend-
ment of the gentleman from Prince George's
(Mr. Clarke) or without it. I am in favor of
disposing of this question.
Mr. STOCKBRIDGE. I would like to inquire
of the chairman of this select committee (Mr.
Negley,) whether this section, as reported by
them, includes in its terms the $3,000,000 of
preferred stock in the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad Company, as well as about $900,000
of regular stock ?
Mr. NEGLEY, I presume that the section
is broad enough to cover the whole. It says
explicitly, that whenever the hoard can ex-
change the State's interest in the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad Company tor an equal


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1114   View pdf image (33K)
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