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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 111   View pdf image (33K)
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at all. I have this conviction, that when it
was permitted that from the Supreme tribunal
of the United States should come a doctrine
so horrible as this, that the negro had no
rights which the white man was bound to
respect, it was then predetermined that there
should be war and calamity upon this nation.
Mr. BRISCOE (interposing. ) Will the gen-
tleman tell me when the Supreme Court ever
made such a decision?
Mr. SANDS They came very near it in the
Dred Scott case.
Mr. BRISCOE. It is not there. The Abo-
litionists of Massachusetts put that in.
Mr. SANDS resumed. The assertion that
the negroes have no rights in Massachusetts
is met by the fact that they vote there, and
do other things which I do not intend they
shall do here. That is not the Massachusetts
estimation of the negro. I am sorry in all
cases to see the unwillingness to acknowledge
the humanity of the negro. My view is this
on the subject of the separation of the races,
a subject I have considered to my entire sat-
isfaction. I believe if there ever comes about
what I long for and pray for, a complete
separation of the races, it. is to come from
emancipation and from colonization. Free

them, give them equal human rights, the

rights of husband and wife and parent.
Give the negro the rights of a man, of a hus-
band and father. Give him the right to
labor and to receive an equivalent for that
labor. Give him the right to educate him-
self, if he can, and his children. Bring him
'to the point where he will desire to take a
part in the civil government of the land, and
. let him know that he can never do so; you
will then have brought him to the point
where the emigration of this race will begin
in a perfect flood-tide. When he has become
sufficiently educated to desire a voice in the
government, and finds that here he can never
be received as the equal of the white man, it
is then that he will seek for himself a ne*
This is the history of colonization every-
where. Look back over the history of the
human race. Who have been the colonists
in all time? They have been men cut off
from the exercise of the political rights which
they coveted at home. Whether white or
black, that is their history. Now that we
the white men of the United States, have
brought matters to the pass at which they
stand to-day, in my humble judgment it does
not become us to say that we dread the poor
powerless negro. We must educate him for
colonization. Then how is that colonization
to be brought about? Who will furnish the
ships to carry the negro to a distant land, or
the means to establish himself there, unless
you allow him to work tor the means to carry
him there? He must colonize himself. Yet
he cannot find a foot of soil on which his
own feet can rest. Are we to colonize to-day

the thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds
of thousands, turned loose by the chances of
war? How are they to get to another land?
How are they to acquire the means to carry
them there? I trow not, from the complexion
of the views urged upon us here. I only ask
. that we shall give them a chance, give them
time and opportunity to earn the means to
carry themselves and their families there.
When they have reached that position that,
they will desire to take part in the civil gov-
ernment of the land in which they live; when
they find that the white man will never admit
1 them to a share in the government here; and
1 when they have had time to earn the means
of going elsewhere; when you have excited
in the negro the ambition of being a ruler,
then, I say, is the time that the emigration
of this race will commence in Hood-tide.
As to the reference of this order I shall not
object to it, for I will not object to the refer-
ence of any order. But I could not let the
occasion pass without putting on record my
humble views in regard to our duty as a
State, upon this subject.
Mr. CLARKE. I will merely say that when
I offered the order I hoped it would go to the
committee without one word being said upon
this occasion. But the gentleman from How-
ard (Mr. Sands) reminds me of a young colt
the first time he is put in the harness. A
simple order cannot be offered without the
gentleman's taking occasion to give us the
information that he has formed all his opin-
ions upon all these questions, and is very
anxious to place himself on the record. I
have no objection to it whatever. But I must
say that I came here to be instructed by con-
sultation, and to consider all these questions
gravely and calmly.
I do not propose to follow the gentleman
either into his argument in reference to what
produced this war, or in regard to anything
in connection with war or slavery. I wish
simply to bring the Convention down to the
simple proposition embraced in this order.
And when the time arrives for the considera-
tion of that subject, the gentleman will find
those that have brought it up for discussion
as willing and as free to extend a helping
hand to the negro as to the white man.
When the gentleman attempts to measure
with me, action according to the principles
of humanity and charity. I shall not yield in
any respect, upon any ground of action which
is dictated by those high principles.
What does the proposition I have offered
embrace? Turning all the negroes who are
in the State out of it? No sir. It says that
no free negro or mulatto shall come from
outside of the State of Maryland into the
State to reside in the State. Does it touch
one who is here now? Not at all. sir. It
then goes on to provide penalties for those
who may employ such as come here from out-
side of the State into the State. And in re-


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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 111   View pdf image (33K)
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