best to do substantial justice to all the people
and all the interests of the State. That is the
matter before us I am prepared to vote for
that which I believe best does substantial jus-
tice) because I have found impracticable and
impossible that which I believe to be the
true basis, and I shall 80 vote on this occa-
sion.
Mr. PETER. I bad not intended to discuss
this question at all, but was rather inclined
to listen to other gentlemen, and get that
information which I need, for really this is
a subject to which I had paid but little atten-
tion.
But there has been one thing in the discus-
sion of this matter which has forcibly struck
me. That was the lack of consistency in the
majority of this house in their action in the
progress of events as we have passed along
through the last three months. The gentle-
man from Baltimore city (Mr. Stockbridge)
has told us that really he could pot tell
whether he was a conservative or a radical—
and I must say that from his action here it
would be equally difficult for this house to
determine whether he was a radical or a con-
servative.
In the discussion of the subject here whether
the slaves in Maryland should befreed or not,
we were met by that same gentleman upon the
threshold with this declaration of indepen-
dence: "We hold these truths to be self-
evident, that all men are created equal; that
they are endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable rights, and among those
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;"
"and that to secure those rights governments
are instituted among men, deriving their just
powers from the consent of the governed."
Now, if we are to adopt the principle asserted
in the argument upon the subject of slavery,
then I ask the gentleman are slaves not to be
governed at all now that they are set free ?
Does he propose that in this State they shall
constitute a race to themselves, and shall
neither be governed nor have any word or
say in the formation of the government of
this State ?
Now, sir, I like consistency in every man.
Had I voted in this house to free the slaves
of Maryland, I unhesitatingly say I would
have openly advocated the doctrine upon this
floor that they should have every light as
freemen that whites now exercise. I do not
hesitate to announce that principle. I would
not say they were the equals of white men, and
then say that the declaration of independence,
which gave to the white man his rights, did
not equally apply to the black man. But
believing, as I do, that they were better off in
their position as slaves, I voted to let them
there remain. But I unhesitatingly say that
those gentlemen fear the consequences if such
a course. Not that such a course is inconsis-
tent; not that such a course would not carry
out their principles as they, as honest men, |
should carry them out; but they fear the
effect of such a course upon the people of
Maryland. That is the reason why they
have not been consistent in all their action
here.
Now, what excuse did the gentleman offer
why the slave counties should not have repre-
sentation according to their entire popula-
tion? The simple excuse was that slaves
could not vote; that representation truly
means representation by an agent selected by
the person represented, and that it should be
governed by the voting population. Let the
gentleman apply that rule to the city of Balti-
more, and where does she stand? Take the
last election as the basis, and what will be her
representation? I have no objection to that.
I cheerfully accord that basis to him, and at
the same time say that if that basis is adopted
the slave counties will consent that their
slaves shall have no representation at all as a
population,
But he says the blacks are not fit to vote be-
cause they have been slaves; or, to use his own
language, because they have been subjected.
What does he say to the foreigner? He has
not been a slave; but in the .majority of
cases he has been, to use his own language
again, a subject—the subject of some king or
potentate. He comes here ignorant, un-
learned in our institutions, knowing nothing
about them. Ave, in nine cases out of ten,
I will say that he knows less of our institu-
tions than our negroes. Yet he must be rep-
resented in our population.
The gentleman then argued why the women
and children, who are non-voters, should be
represented, is because that, take the State at
large, they are about equally diffused through
it. Now I hold that this principle does
not constitute the true basis of representation
at all. The sound basis upon which we
should act is this: that the persons who are to
be governed by the laws which are passed in
the legislative halls are the persons to be rep-
resented. I hold that every man, according
to the laws of this land, be he slave or be he
freeman, has a right to have his wrongs re-
dressed by sufficient legislation, if they need
it. Suppose there have been wrongs perpe-
trated upon these slaves by their masters;
the gentleman from Baltimore city (Mr. Stock-
bridge) will hardly go down into the slave
counties and investigate whether they have
had wrongs' perpetrated on them on not.—
Suppose, they labor under some difficulties
for which they would ask redress from the
legislature here assembled. Will the gentle-
man from Baltimore city go all the way down
into these slave counties and inquire what are
the wrongs which they labor under, and what
remedies or what legislation they need? I
humbly apprehend not; I apprebend that he
will come here representing his constituents
in Baltimore, if he come at all. And as the
slave owners are perfect brutes, men without |
