blow, from one man to another. I do not
know, according to the census returns, or
any other returns, what is the annual value
of the products of Caroline county. But 1
think I risk very little in asserting that the
annual products of the little election district,
in which I live, will equal the annual pro-
ducts of all Caroline county.
Mr. TODD obtained the floor.
Mr. CHAMBERS also addressed the chair.
Mr. BERRY, of Prince George's. The gen-
tleman from Caroline (Mr. Todd) has already
spoken once. I object to his speaking again,
Mr, CHAMBERS. I want to hear every thing
that can be said; and I will yield the floor
to the gentleman from Caroline.
Mr. BERRY, of Prince George's, withdrew
his objection.
Mr. TODD. I have only one single remark
to make in answer to the gentleman who
last addressed the house (Mr. Henkle.) I
also have heard that We in Caroline county
have no real estate, especially about the
time of the heavy March winds. And I also
have heard, when away from home, that we
are sometimes under the necessity of letting
down the fences in order to give the kildees
an opportunity of getting over. But from
what I have seen of Anne Arundel county
in my rides from here to Baltimore, I should
suppose that the kildees would need crutches
here even after the fences were let down.
Mr. CHAMBERS. I desire to say a few
words upon the subject immediately before
the house. But before I do so I will refer to
that everlasting subject, the negro. I heard
during the debate of yesterday .some, to me,
very strange notions upon the subject of this
population. Quite a laugh was produced in
the house by the mention of the idea that
some gentlemen had now discovered that
these negroes were persons. Now, I have
yet to hear of the first mortal man that ever
had any doubt upon that subject. And
when gentlemen impute to those around
them opinions which they never entertained,
I think it is hardly a subject for the merri-
ment of those who in other respects agree
with them.
That slaves are property has been denied
by many. But I had hoped that question
was settled. We bad produced the Bible in
which slaves are called money; we had pro-
duced the Constitution of the United States,
in which they are recognized as valuable
property to be compensated for; we bad
produced decisions of the Supreme Court of
the United States, in which they had been
recognized as property; we had produced
the constitution and laws of Maryland, in
which they are treated as property. And as
in all of them the negro is considered in the
double character of property and person,
we had supposed that in producing those au-
thorities that question had been set at rest, |
and that a negro was also a person. But
yesterday, upon the suggestion of a gentle-
man from Baltimore city not now in his seat
(Mr. Barren,) that this was a new idea, the
house was exceedingly amazed, and exhibited
visible symptoms of gratification.
And another idea has been suggested as
strange. We are not only to be deprived of
our property, but we are to be punished for
ever having owned it. Not only have our
slaves been taken from us; not only are we
now bound to support them after they have
been taken from us, so far as they are aged,
and infirm, and incapable of self-support;
but we are now to be punished for ever hav-
ing held them as property. We are not to
be represented upon the basis of that class of
population, though they have supplied the
place of laboring whites. And we are to
suffer the punishment which we shall expe-
rience, simply because instead of white labor
we have had black labor; instead of free
white labor we have had slave black labor.
And how is that justified? By the strang-
est argument I ever heard in my life. Gen-
tlemen gravely tell us the blacks are not the
governing class, and therefore not entitled to
representation. Not the governing class?
What is the governing class? Those who
are white? That is not the evidence of a
governing class? The foreigners who have
emigrated to this country, who have hardly
put their feet upon American soil for the first
time within a year past, they are represented.
Baltimore city, abounding with its thousands
and tens of thousands of foreigners, who know
no more about your civil government, and I
may say who care no more about it than they
did while they were in their fatherland—•
Baltimore city has the advantage of their
representation. Do they govern? Are they
the governing class?
What is the governing class? Some say
the ladies govern through the instrumentality
of their merited influence upon the other sex;
wives, by their influence upon their husbands;
girls, by their influence upon their sweet-
hearts.
Mr. JONES, of Somerset. And the old
bachelors?
Mr. CHAMBERS. They are a forlorn class ;
I give them up; let them meet their fate. If
the women have not bad influence enough to
change them from bachelors into husbands,
then the pretence of their influence is un-
founded.
Mr. PUGH. Does the gentleman allude to
me as an old bachelor?
Mr. CHAMBERS. The young bachelors are
worse than the old ones. The old ones be-
come timid; the young ones have no right to
claim that excuse.
Now, assuming this false position that the
governing class consists of those who are
white, because they are white, you do not |
