Mr. BARRON, (who had voted in the nega-
tive,) when his name was called, said: I
would state that I voted "no," because I
could not help thinking that a man in Balti-
more city was just as good as a man in any
county, if he was a man at all. But upon
reflection, and from what I have heard
hummed about the house here, I think it is
best to take just what I can get. We get little
enough, God knows; but as it is the best I
can get, I will change my vote from "no"
to "aye."
The question then recurred upon the mo-
tion of Mr. CLARKE to amend section three by
striking out all after the first word "The"
in the first line and insert the following :
" Legislature, at its first session after the
adoption of this Constitution, and at its first
session after the returns of each national cen-
sus are published under the authority of Con-
gress shall apportion the members of the
house of delegates among the several counties
of the State, and the city of Baltimore accord-
ing to the population of each, provided the
whole number of delegates shall never exceed
eighty-five members, and provided that each
county and said city shall be divided into sepa-
arate election districts of compact contiguous
territory, the qualified voters in each of which
districts shall at the time and in the man-
ner in which delegates are chosen, elect one
delegate, who has for one year next before
his election been a resident of the district
from which he shall be elected. The appor-
tionment, of the delegates among the several
counties and the city of Baltimore shall re-
main the same as provided by the present
Constitution, until the second election held for
members of the house of delegates after the
adoption of this Constitution, and
The general assembly shall hereafter elect
United States senators and all officers who
are elected by the legislature, by a concurrent
vote of the two houses, and not by joint
ballot."
Mr. CLARKE. I desire to explain this pro-
position in a very few words. I took occasion,
this morning, to advocate the principle that
by preserving the senate upon its present
basis of territorial representation, and by
adopting the true theory of representation
according to population in the lower house;
and districting the State, not only the counties,
but the city of Baltimore; and allowing each
electoral district to elect one member to the
lower house, you will give all the people the
same right in the choice of representatives in
the lower house. Several gentlemen have
upon the floor of this house expressed a de-
sire to have in one branch of the legislature
representation according to population. Ac-
cording to the present system, of voting on a
general ticket, one man in Prince George's
county deciding by his vote the election of
two members, according to the basis here
given; a voter in Baltimore county deciding |
the election of six members, whereas a man
in St. Mary's, or in Charles, can determine
the election of but one member.
Now the proposition I submit presents the
true basis of representation, because it comes
nearer to the true democratic theory. It car-
ries out the true representative basis, making
population the basis of representation. There-
fore this will give to the gentlemen what they
have expressed a desire to have, representa-
tion according to population.
Mr. THOMAS. I would ask the gentleman
if his plan is based upon population?
Mr. CLARKE. I say it is carrying out the
principle of equality everywhere: the great
doctrine that every man, not only white but
black, should be represented as they are now
represented.
Mr. CUSHING. Does the gentleman intend
blacks to vote ?
Mr. CLARKE, No, sir. I make the same
distinction with regard to them that is now
made in regard to others. According to
your own basis of representation women and
infants in arms are calculated but not repre-
sented. My proposition only puts the black
population upon the same footing that you
propose to put women and children. The
question of elective franchise is a very differ-
ent thing from the basis of representation.
When gentlemen are discussing one question
and showing how a particular theory works
upon one question, it is hardly a fair argu-
ment for gentlemen to get up and ask ques-
tions in relation to an entirely different sub-
ject.
Mr. BARRON. I would merely suggest that
the other day the gentleman called blacks
property; to-day he calls them population.
Mr. CLARKE. I call them the same as
they are called in the present constitution—,
population. Now you have a property in
your apprentices, a property which ia valu-
able. You sell the services of your white
apprentices, A white apprentice is property
for certain purposes and for certain objects.
When I speak of a matter in reference to one
subject, I speak of it in that connection.
When I speak of it in reference to another
subject, I speak of it in that connection, and
designate it by another appellation.
I will simply say in closing my explana-
tion of this proposition, that for myself I am
willing to. adopt this principle and inaugu-
rate it as the true theory of representation
upon which the lower house of the general
assembly in this State shall be constituted.
Mr. THOMAS moved to amend the amend-
ment by inserting the word "white" before
the word " population."
Mr. JONES, of Somerset. It is very diffi-
cult in the face of such votes as have been
given here to discuss this question of the
basis of representation. The plan which the
committee have reported is a novelty in this
country; it certainly is a novelty in this |
