all the wealth, the centre of exchange, the
centre of trade, absorbing gradually into her-
self the whole energies of the population.
Adopt the theory of representation according
to any basis that will approach the popular
basis in this State, and you practically and en-
tirely throw the control of the whole matter
into the hands of the city. Not only the mone-
tary control which Baltimore city has and the
influence which she in that way and in other
cognate ways, exercises indirectly over the
people of this State, but also the control to
which I have alluded, which she directly,
through her vote, exercises over the politics of
the State, is another consideration why she
should not control in the legislature by consti-
tutional enactment.
Another source of control is her control
over the public works. Suppose they are
sold, or not sold—take it either way—who has
the controlling, the masterly activity, with
regard to the public works? Who is at the
head of them? Who gives the impulse to
them? Do the people of the State know the
extent of that and its influence? I know that
in the section of the country they go through,
it is an immense power for political and other
purposes, which can be exercised through
these public works by those who have the
general direction and management of them.
That is another part of the influence of Balti-
more, distinct from her ordinary influence
over the politics of the State.
It can be stated then, as a practical propo-
sition, that Baltimore city elects the gover-
nor, two members of Congress, at least one
Judge of the Court of Appeals, besides every
other State officer, who under the constitution
is to be elected by general ticket. She has
all that control to start with. She actually
elects all the executive officers of the State.
Practically, through the various influences at
work in the community, she has a general
control over the politics of the State. If, in
addition to all this, yoa are to superadd such
a control in the legislature as will enable her
to rule that, you would better, in my judg-
ment, dispense with the legislature entirely,
and let the mayor and city council of Balti-
more control the legislation of the State.
I say this without the slightest hostility to
the city of Baltimore, without the slightest
imputation that any respectable portion of
the people desire this wrongful and unjust
apportionment. I believe I know to the con-
trary, because for years past, I have been in
the habit of coming here from year to year,
and I have had, as often as I met them, a
candid declaration of opinion from some of
the best men in Baltimore city, that that city-
was never so well represented, or so effectually
represented in these halls, as when she had
two delegates, instead of ten. And my
opinion to-day is, that if you put it to a fair
and unrestricted vote of the people of Balti-
more city, I believe, as I stand upon this |
floor, that they would not vote themselves to
have twenty delegates,
To conclude the few observations that I
wished to submit upon this question, I will
state very frankly, that neither of these re-
ports meets my views exactly. I do not
think either of them is based upon the true
theory of representation. I propose, before
we get through the subject, if we do not finish
it before I have an opportunity of writing
two or three sections, not yet written, to offer
a substitute for both, to bring the house to a
vote upon what I conceive to be the true theory
for us to adopt. It is not representation ac-
cording to population that I so much object to,
if the true theory of all representation is
carried out.
What do you propose to do? To give
Baltimore city twenty-one members, not all
to be voted upon, it is true as proposed by
the majority report, on one general ticket;
but divided into three disiricts, electing seven
members in each of the three districts. Every
one knows, however, that practically it will
be a general ticket. They will all be ar-
ranged by the parties on the same night, and
the twenty-one will all be nominated and
agreed upon in one body. The danger,
slavery being abolished, that either the '
smaller or the larger counties will have to
fear from Baltimore city, is not that their
people will not be fully represented, upon the
very highest standard, but that they will not
bp represented as political units.
The gentleman from Baltimore city very
justly argues, why should not a white man
in Baltimore city be the equal of a white man
in Prince George's county? True, he ought
to be. But the converse is true also. Why
should not awhite in Prince George's county
be equal to a white man in Baltimore city?
Upon the theory of the majority report here,
every vote of Baltimore city is to have prac-
tically the privilege of sending twenty-one
delegates here. Every man's vote may be
the controlling and casting vote. When he
walks up to the polls and deposits his vote, he
knows that that single vote may elect twenty-
one members. You have the means, the
power, the capability, perhaps at every elec-
tion by your simple suffrage, of pending
twenty-one men to the house of delegates.
We, in Prince George's county, can by no
possibility, under the same report, send over
two. I do not think that is equality. Wheth-
er yours is the casting vote or rot, you be-
come after the election, properly the con-
stituent of twenty-one members here. Under
no circumstances can I be the constituent of
more than two. Is that equality ?
That brings me exactly to what I regard
as the true theory of representation. Appor-
tion it if you please according to population,
upon the strict basis of population, counting
n everybody. Then divide Baltimore city
and every county into as many electoral dis- |
