tion adopt a proposition, afler having robbed
the people of my county and other portions of
the State of their property, which also robs
us of our political rights.
Mr, SCHLEY (in his seat.) "Bobs" you?
Mr. EDELEN, Taking from us our political
rights by fixing the apportionment of repre-
sentation upon this basis. I hope the gentle-
man understands what I mean. Turn to the
journal upon the consideration of the bill of
rights (Mav 30th,) and it will be seen that
the gentleman from Prince Georges (Mr.
Clarke) moved to amend article 22d by add-
ing:
"Provided, That nothing in this article
shall be so construed as to prevent the legis-
lature from passing" all such laws for the gov-
ernment, regulation and disposition of the
free colored population of this State as they
may deem necessary."
This was voted down by an overwhelming
majority. Here, then, is a solemnly enun-
ciated fact that this convention have set the!r
face unalterably against any attempt upon
the part of the people of this State to rid them-
selves of the incubus of this population. Yet
they say, although we debar yon of the means
of expelling them from counties where
they are now so numerous, although they
must remain there for all time to come, dis-
placing to that extent white people, still we
shall have a basis of representation whereby we
shall ever bekept in a hopeless minority.
Here is another thing to which I would
hurriedly call the attention of my friends from
Baltimore county, in addition to what was
said on this subject by the chairman of the
minority of the committee, the gentleman from
Prince George's (Mr. Berry.) It is the oper-
ation of this rule of distribution adopted by
the majority.
Allegany county, with a population of
27,215, has five delegates, and loses only a
fraction of 2,215; while Baltimore county,
with a population of 46,722, gets only one
delegate more than Allegany, although she
has a population of 19, 507 more white inhab-
itants, and loses a fraction of 6,722.
I cite this as an illustration of the inequal-
ity of the operation of the rule fixing the ratio
of representation upon the white basis, and I
ask my friends from Baltimore county and other
portions of the State, whether they can give
their sanction to a rule which allows acounty
with 19,507 more white population than an-
other, only one more delegate, losing 6, 722 by
the fraction thrown off?
Now let us look at Frederick county. It
has a population of 11,176 more than Alle-
gany, and yet it has only one more delegate,
There seems to be a little management
about this rule with regard to Baltimore city.
It does not strike one at first sight; but on
closer inspection you will see the operation of
it. It is a very nice thing to divide Balti-
more city into three districts, and to give her |
so many representatives for each district. Let
gentlemen of the convention scrutinize it
closely, and they will see that under this rule
of apportionment the three districts of Balti-
more city operate like so many counties. Di-
vide Baltimore county into two or more dis-
tricts, and you will find that it will be entitled
to more than six delegates by the rule estab-
lished by the majority report.
Or if you apply the rule to Baltimore city
as an entirety as it is applied to the counties
you will find that the rule will not give her
such a representation as the committee have
awarded her. Instead of a rule being ascer-
tained and the results derived therefrom, I
must say that it looks to me as if the results
had been first fixed upon, and the rule made
to fit them afterwards. I cannot conceive
how it should ever have entered into the
minds of gentlemen to make a rule so unequal
and unjust in its operation.
Now, what is the minority report? It
takes the basis that has been adopted in a
vast majority of States of this Union. If
there is an unjust discrimination against
Baltimore city, I tell my friend, whose name
is signed to the majority report as chairman
(Mr. Abbott,) that he has set us the example
and given us a precedent. But the exclusion
of a large city in a small State, from repre-
sentation according to population, is no new
thing, ltook the book of "Constitutions"
the other morning, and turned io the differ-
ent States.
In Maine the basis of representation is the
whole population, exclusive of foreigners not
naturalized and Indiana not taxed. Repre-
sentatives are apportioned to towns by popu-
lation, but no town shall ever be entitled to
more than seven representatives. By this
rule a large town or city is excluded from
having more than seven representatives,
In Rhode Island the basis of representation
is the whole populalion, allowing to each
town at least one member, provided that no
town or city shall be entitled to more than
one-sixth of the whole number of members of
the house. There is the principle, in all its
length, breadth, depth, and fullness. There
is Providence, a large city in the small State
of Rhode Island, which would be entitled to
one-third the whole number, but under the
operation of this rule she is restricted to one-
sixth of the seventy-two members of which
the house of representatives of Rhode Island
is composed.
In New York the basis of representation is
the whole population, exclusive of aliens and
persons of color not taxed. Representatives
are apportioned according to this population,
and by districts in the whole State.
In New Jersey the whole population is the
basis.
in Vermont and Pennsylvania, the taxable
inhabitants are the basis.
In Delaware, there are seven representa- |
