And in speaking I will say to those gentlemen,
that although the guarantees they propose, are
certainly offered in good faith, yet they would
prove in practice, wholly unavailing. It is the
best assurance in their power to devise, but no
paper guarantee was ever yet worth any thing
unless a majority of the community, either in
numbers or in the Legislative body, were inter-
ested in maintaining ii. The peculiarity of a
certain species of properly is admilted, and that
it requires protection, but they would deny to
those most interested in the property itself the
power of protection, that protection which flows
from the possession of political power. And
while I accord to them sincerity and good faith, I
deny that they can give us any security, indepen-
dent of political power.
Can gentlemen give us a sure guaranty that
the same just and kind feelings which they now
entertain towards the counties, shall he transmitted
as an inheritance to their posterity? Can
they answer for the generations that are yet to
come, and the million that are in a few years, to
populate the city they now represent? Will they
gay that under no change which time may work
in our political condition, there shall be fonnd
no clashing of interests, no conflict of passions ?
Will they who are just new be always just, under
whatever temptations of interests, or what-
ever excitements of the feelings? Shall there be
no jealousies in lime to come? No resentments?
Nothing to mislead the judgment, even if it does
not corrupt the feelings? Can those gentlemen
guaranty to that extent? I know they cannot.
Then permit us to underwrite for ourselves; let
us become our own bondsmen, by holding that
political power requisite to secure a compliance
with the terms of the contract. Short of this,
all other security is false, futile and deceptive
Sir, if the Senate is to operate as a general
safety valve to the House, and the whole legislature
is to be tied up by constitutional prohibi-
tions, for what good I would ask, is all this clam-
or about popular rights? Surely there must be
some practical application of the principle in the
law making power, or the game is not worth the
hazzard.
Sir, I am partly indebted to one of those gen-
tlemen, (Mr Presstman,) for the reason of this
seeming inconsistency on their part. I under-
stood that gentleman some time ago, when defin-
ing his position, to say, that he did not feel him-
self like his colleague (Mr. Brent,) pledged to
his constituents, to go for nothing short of repre-
sentation according to population, but while he
should vote for that proposition he nevertheless
felt at liberty to meet gentlemen in a spirit of
generous compromise on that question; that he
did not expect to obtain all he desired at once.
Sir, coming events cast their shadows before
them. I thank that gentleman for his candor.—
But that there may be no doubt, on my interpre-
tation of the coming future, I will adduce collateral
testimony.
When on the sixth of January past, this body
assembled in the other wing of the Capitol, to
witness the inauguration of the present Chief
Executive of this State; and when amid the |
booming of cannon and the clang of music, that
ceremony was concluded, I listened with much
interest to the eloquent and able address which
he put forth, to the people of Maryland—my attention
was particularly arrested when he refer-
red to the subject of reform He said:
"Even should no practical reforms result from
the labors of the present Convention, (which of
of course is not supposable,) still, I regard the
value of the principle, now established so great
in view of the possible future, as to hold the ex-
penses, inconveniences, and even total failure of
this first attempt, however in itself deplorable, to
be entirely of subordinate importance; for na-
tions, unlike individuals, never die, and can afford
to bide their time. What one generation
loses by folly another will reach by the wisdom
of experience. And, as republics rarely, if ever,
retrograde in opinion, as long as they preserve a
healthy tune in public morals, we have every
cause to hope and believe, that the precedent set
in the call of the Convention, will have the effect
to enlarge the power of the people, in a more
signal manner, hereafter. Whilst, therefore, the
the people yearn for the enjoyment of those sal-
utary reforms, which right, justice and good pol-
icy call for; and although they should possibly
be doomed to meet with a total or partial disap-
pointment of their reasonable hopes, they cannot
forget to console themselves with the knowledge
that the great battle, in fact was fought and won,
when the legislature after a steady resistance of
twenty years, finally promulged, and Maryland
by an almost unanimous vote, ratified the doc-
trine, that the people are not enchanged by the
fifty-ninth article of the Constitution This is
the entering wedge to the future. This is the
key to the treasury of popular lights. With this
weapon the people will be resistless, in all future
struggles for the extension of their privileges.
And it is for this achievement, so full of republican
destiny, that I honor and congratulate the
citizens of Maryland." Value of the principle!
precedent set! The entering wedge to the future!
Key to the treasury of popular rights! These are
ominous words, proceeding from the ante-cham-
ber of the Convention and excathedra in their
character.
I could but contrast this language with another
part of the same document, when speaking of
our federal relation, in which it is said, "It is
evident that the minority of the people must be
assured of protection from the arbitrary legisla-
tive rule of the majority." But I will say no
more on this point. The case is made up, and
we must submit to the broad principle itself,
that numbers, without qualification or restriction,
shall rule the future destiny of this State, or
adopted as our motto, "obsta principiis." Com-
promise on this question, will not save us; it
ought not to save us. Besides, if we yield at
once, it will save the State the expense
of another Convention, in which we should meet
shorn of our strength, parties to our own politi-
cal annihilation.
Mr. President, before I proceed to give the
platform of Worcester county, I will put certain
gentlemen right, as to a supposed feeling existing |
