Mr. PRESSTMAN resumed and concluded his re-
marks, ( from yesterday )
Mr. PHELPS offered as a substitute for the
amendment offered by Mr. SCHLEY, as the 2nd
session of the report, and the substitute offered
by Mr. DORSEY; the following:
"Each county in this State and the city of
Baltimore, shall be entitled to one Senator, the
House of Delegates shall consist of sixty-one
members, and shall be apportioned among the
counties and the city of Baltimore, as at pres-
ent, save and except that of deducting one mem-
ber from each county, and the city of Balti-
more;"
Which was read.
Mr. BRENT, of Charles, said:
There is no man upon this floor, Mr. Presi-
dent, who is more desirious than I am that the
labors of this Convention should be brought to
a close. Its session has now continued for a pe-
riod of nearly five months. The people of the
State are most anxiously, and I confess not with-
out reason, looking for the consummation of the
work which they have delegated their agents
hereto perform. The car of time is passing on
in its quiet, though certain and rapid course.—
Our moments even are now "precious," and
must not be wasted. The adoption this morning
of a resolution directing that the debate, on the
subject now under consideration, should termi-
nate on Friday next, and the desire of other
gentlemen to express their views, all warn me
that as short a limit, as is consistent with a pro-
per understanding of my remarks, should he
placed upon them. I will therefore be as brief
as I possibly can.
Permit me, sir, to say a word or two here in
reference to some matters, which gentlemen
have thought fit to connect with this discussion.
From time to time, from day to day, and from
hour to hour, we have heard much said about
"the reformers in this Convention." It is claim-
ed that they are the exponents of the public will
—that their views are but the wishes of the
people of this State, and that their schemes must
be adopted if we do not wish to peril the Con-
stitution. The mere listener to some of the de-
bates in this body, would infer that there are
members here, who designed to trample under
foot the rights of the people, and scatter their
liberty upon the winds of heaven, to be borne
wheresoever "they listeth." I cannot believe
that there is a member in this body who is not
most anxious to do all he can to protect and advance
the rights and happiness of the people of
this State. If they err, the error will he in
the judgment and not in the heart. But why this
battle cry of "reformers?" Is there any thing
substantial in it, or is it mere "tinsel and show"
for political purposes, to catch him, who skims
upon the surface, or who may be won by a
name? Has it here any particular definition,
which will divide this Convention into a reform
and an anti-reform party? Gentlemen have been
asked, time after time, to define its meaning.
Yet no two have agreed in their definition. Nay,
11 |
from all that I have heard on this subject, I am
forced to the conclusion, that if there is any
word in the English language more uncertain
than another in its import in this Convention, it
is this very word "reformer." Gentlemen,
claiming to be enlisted under its banner, enter-
tain different views, and are seeking to attain
different ends and objects There was a period,
and that not very long since, when general con-
sent gave to a reformer a substantial shape, by
which he could be recognised. In the struggle,
which has eventuated in the call of this Conven-
tion, your State was divided into two parties—
the one for conventional reform, and the other
claiming that your Constitution could be chang-
ed only by the means pointed out in the famous
fifty-ninth article.
The advocate of Conventional reform was re-
garded in the eyes of the people, as "the re-
former," while he, who believed that the Consti-
tution of 1776, adopted by patriot hearts amidst
the din and strife of arevolution, pointed out the
only means of a change, was called the "anti-
reformer." The public eye looked to this as the
great division. Almost every section of the
State differed, the one from the other, as to the
particular kind of reform wished for. When
this Convention assembled, hew widely different
were the views of members. But this distinc-
tion has been swept away, and can now have no
practical existence in this Hall. In obedience
to the voice of the people, this Convention has
sprung into being, and there is no man, or set of
men. here, who can claim that he or they alone
are for reform. I perhaps have been ranked
among those, whom gentlemen choose to desig-
nate as anti-reformers. Great as may be my
veneration for the old Constitution, and the wise
heads who formed it, I believe that some of its
features are incompatible with the progress and
advances of these more modern times. I doubt
if there is a single member here, who does not
believe that the old Constitution needs sonic re-
form and amendment, and who is not ready to do
all he can to render perfect, as far as the human
mind can attain it, the Constitution of the State
in which he lives. I therefore trust that these
constant efforts to create the belief here and else-
where, that there exist in this body two parties
—the one for reform, and the other opposed to
all reforms—will have ceased. May we not
unite in harmony, as sons of Maryland, and
frame in this spirit a Constitution for her peo-
ple! That party feeling, connected with the
general politics of the day, has its existence here
among us, I cannot deny. Perhaps to this cause
may be attributed, in great measure, the difficul-
ties and differences which we have encountered
in the progress of our sessions.
Prophecies, or in fact threats, have been made
that the Constitution, which we shall make. will
not be adopted. I care not to say any thing in
reference to them, nor do I regard them, as I
have yet to discover that there is any member
here, who is either "a prophet of the son of a
prophet." I came here with the fond desire to
lend what aid I can in the formation of a Con- |
