gagements. They elected him. Therefore, in
conclusion, he would say to the gentleman who
had brought this matter up, that if he should re-
ceive as full an acquittal from the hands of his
constituents as he expected to receive from his,
his friend might well be pleased.
Mr. BRENT, of Baltimore city, said he would
cheerfully agree to abide that issue.
The question was stated to be on agreeing to
the vending amendment.
Mr. MERRICK said:
That nothing could be accomplished by taking
any vote of less than a majority of the whole
number. He presumed no member would de-
sire to see the Constitution, or any clause of it,
adopted by any vote which did not indicate the
sense of a majority of the body.
If, therefore, no gentleman was disposed to go
on with the discussion, he would move an ad-
journment.
Mr. CHAMBERS said he had no intention to in-
terpose, in any respect, in the matter at issue be-
tween the gentlemen from Baltimore county and
Baltimore city. They must adjust their family
differences in their own way, as best they may.
But there was one most significant fact stated by
the former gentleman, and now for the first
time publicly avowed, which deserved marked at-
tention, and which ought not to pass without ob-
servation. It would become matter of history,
along with the proceedings of this body, and
might have the effect to dispense entirely, with
the usefulness of a large portion of this body,
and indeed, with the necessity of the further and
future attendance of many members of this Con-
vention. That fact, thus deliberately and pub-
licly announced, by the gentleman from Balti-
more county, (Mr. Howard,) was, that in a cau-
cus, composed of a portion of the members of
this house, to which many of us had not been in-
vited, at which many of us were not present, ar-
rangements had been made, opinions discussed,
concessions agreed upon, and measures matured,
to be brought into this house for its formal en-
dorsement and sanction, as parts of the new Constitution
—and most vital parts of it. He merely
rose to rivet attention to the important fact. Its
fatal influence upon the free action and impartial
judgment of members, must be apparent. But
more of that at another time. The fact is not,
to be announced, without observation.
Mr. FIERY said that a wrong impression prevailed
as to the origin of the proposition which
be had submitted, and he desired to correct the
error, before it became a matter of history. He
wished it to be distinctly understood, that whilst
he attended the meetings of a reform caucus,
with a view of compromising the question of re-
presentation, he never offered a proposition in
that caucus, nor did he vote, or pledge himself
to vote, for any measure originating in that cau-
cus. The projet which he had offered, was offer-
ed upon his own responsibility. He had exa-
mined the different plans which had been pro-
posed and acted upon by the Convention, and
having matured one which be believed would
bring to its support a majority of this body, and |
give security to all sections of the State, he now
bespoke for it a calm and impartial considera-
tion.
Mr, PRESSTMAN made some remarks which will
be published hereafter.
Mr. GWINN asked if the gentleman from Kent,
who sought to cast in some measure, the imputation
of a private combination upon those, with
whom he had, for the most part, acted, was not
I aware that within the last three or four weeks,
his own friends from the smaller counties, in one
place or another, had met and consulted upon a
plan and scheme which they thought ought to be
supported in the Convention? If the gentleman
did not know it, he was ignorant of that which,
possibly, every other gentleman, on both side, of
the House, knew perfectly well. He did not
choose, when the members of the democratic re-
form party were charged with having met in cau-
cus, that gentlemen upon the other side should
assume to themselves the peculiar credit of hav-
ing remained apart and acted only in the presence
of the Convention and the world.
He did not mean to say that such consultations
were improper. Perhaps they were well adapt-
ed to the furtherance of public business; but, if
there were blame, the gentleman must place it
upon the shoulders of those also with whom he
had hitherto acted.
Mr. CHAMBERS replied, that he had had no as-
sociation with, nor had he in any degree formed
part or parcel of any caucus or meeting held for
the purpose of arranging and agreeing upon any
measure designed for the adoption of the Con-
vention, A conference or caucus, as a prepara-
tory measure to the election of officers of the
body, was a totally different affair, it was usual
in all bodies, if not universal, and often abso-
lutely necessary, to effect an organization. But
itt was as universal and altogether unnecessary
in regard to the measures to be acted upon by
the body, after its organization.
The Constitution was to be formed by the
Convention, after mature deliberation and con-
sultation,, amongst all the representatives of [he
whole people of the State. The humblest mem-
ber here, has the right to ask attention to his
opinions and his reasons—has a right to know
the reasons for the opinions of others. No one
portion of the body has a right to deprive any
other portion of the privilege of participating in
the deliberations which take place. if a major-
ity of the body could relire to another part of
State house, and there, by conference and dis-
cussion, and under the influence of sectional, or
party, or political considerations, not common
to others, concur in important measures, by an
arrangement which would require a minority of
that separate meeting to yield to a majority of
that meeting, but who were not a majority of
the Convention, it was manifest we must have a
Constitution, not in conformity to the opinions
of the Convention.
The minority in the caucus, and the excluded
members, might constitute a decided majority
of this body, and yet their opinions would not
avail or prevail. Now, the gentleman from Bal- |
