her. When New York had thirty-six represen-
tatives and Maryland six, the large State electing
en masse will entirely overpower the smaller
State. I have no sort of fear of the awful conse-
quences which my friend apprehends from the
adoption of this district system, that it will lead
to representation according to population. We
have a sufficient security in the manifest senti-
ment of this body, and in the interests of the peo-
ple of the State at large, of all the counties, both
large and small, to be safe and secure. Representation
according to population is not likely
ever to be adopted in this State. The time will
never come when the people in Maryland will
consent to give to that concentrated mass of pop-
ulation the right of representation according to
population. Still less, when we adopt a system
of electing by districts, is there any possibility
that such a system can be adopted. I have sig-
nified my desire and intention, in voting for this
motion, and I hope it will prevail, in order that
the small counties may be saved from the evils
resulting from the apportionment we have made.
Mr. SPENCER made some remarks, which will
be published hereafter.
Mr. SHERWOOD, of Baltimore city, also, made
some remarks.
Mr. BOWIE regretted that the discussion had
taken this turn. He regretted to hear appeals
made to partisan feeling simply. The gentleman
from Baltimore, (Mr. Sherwood,) had spoken of
Baltimore city as a unit, and had appealed to
mere partisan feeling, that she should remain
such. He would commend to the gentleman the
term, harmony. He was glad to hear that har-
mony existed in that city. As for himself, he
would not address the Convention as a politician.
He never had, and he never would do it. Yet,
when his feelings as a politician came directly in
harmonious action with all his feelings and opin-
ions, and principles as a citizen and a man, he
congratulated himself upon it. But when his
judgment came in conflict with party, he would
put party under his foot, and lake that cause
pointed out by justice. He did not desire to dis-
trict the city of Baltimore upon the ground of
party. A II the opinions he had ever formed upon
political economy, would show that he had other
motives There was now, and there would al-
ways be a conflict between the producing and the
consuming classes. The agricultural classes
would necessarily have interests antagonistic to
those who bought of them for purposes of con-
sumption or profit. There was a distribution of
power by law between these conflicting interests,
the commercial power on the one hand, and the
agricultural and mechanical power on the other.
A man who would think of party upon such a
question as this, and at a time like this, was
either a mad man, a knave, or a dupe, to be se-
duced from his allegiance to the great and car-
dinal principles which should govern him in the
distribution of power.
Mr. SHERWOOD inquired whether Mr. B. al-
luded to him in these remarks.
Mr. BOWIE disclaimed any such intention or
idea. |
The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. Buchanan.)
The Chair would have called the gentleman to
order instantaneously, if there had been any per-
sonal allusion,
Mr, BOWIE continued. In an emergency like
this, he desired to neutralise the controlling influence
of one of these two great classes over the
other. Baltimore city came here as a unit—a
commercial unit—acting in direct opposition to
the interests of the producing classes of the
whole state, from the tops of the Alleghanies to
the sea-beaten shores of Worcester county. Upon
questions of vital interest to the whole agricul-
tural population of the State, the question of the
inspection of raw materials, for example, Balti-
more city would be against the grower, and in
favor of the New York system of free inspection.
Instead of the protection against frauds now fur-
nished by the laws of the State, the merchants
of the city of Baltimore would desire to have
the right to employ inspectors for themselves.
Mr. BRENT. I enquire if the gentleman is in
order. He is discussing the inspection laws.
Mr. BOWIE. I am discussing the influence of
Baltimore city upon the legislation of the State.
The PRESIDING OFFICER overruled the point of
order.
Mr. BOWIE remarked, in a low tone of voice,
that the ruse of calling him to order was unsuc-
cessful.
Mr. BRENT replied that he had raised the point
of order bona fide, and he would presently show
where the ''ruse" was.
Mr. BOWIE resumed. This very question of
the inspection laws was one of the most vital and
important questions which ever presented them-
selves to the producer of the raw material. Upon
this question the merchant and the producer had
antagonistic interests, between which the Legis-
lature must decide. But the whole delegation
from the city of Baltimore was as a unit against
the producer, who ought to have the right to
control the prices of his own products. Let
Baltimore city be divided, and she would not
have that preponderating power over the pro-
ducing classes. They now had four more than
the largest county—they had ten delegates. He
would appeal to the producing classes, irrespec-
tive of party, whether that delegation ought not
to be divided, to prevent such a power as they
would possess when united. He wished to re-
strict this commercial power; to divide this con-
centrated unit. When that should be done, some-
thing would have been done to subserve the in-
terests, the happiness, and the good of all the
people of Maryland, beyond the limits of Balti-
more city.
The gentleman from Frederick had asked him,
after a night's sleep upon it, to go with him in
districting the State generally. He could only
say that he had come to a very different conclu-
sion, after very severe reflection. The gentleman
from Charles [Mr. Merrick] had appealed to
the instinct of self preservation, in calling upon
the smaller counties, and Charles county among
the number, to vote for this proposition. The
same principal carried out would lead by a reg- |
