In fact, as we shall be entitled to six from Bal-
timore city in I860 under the present basis, it
only concedes to us after that time an increase
of four.
I rejected it, because by that so called com-
promise, the counties of Allegany, Washington,
Frederick, Carroll, and Baltimore, with Balti-
more city, have a majority of 91,316 inhabitants,
federal numbers, over the rest of the State, and
yet the same counties with the city of Baltimore
would be in a minority of five delegates, and if
you take the white basis, a majority of 162,177
inhabitants would be in a minority of five dele-
gates, thus by this much boasted compromise, a
majority of the people are left in the power of
a minority inother parts of the State.
I rejected it, because it applies justice to the
counties and denies it to Baltimore city. And
because it assumes a ratio of six thousand as
just and proper, running all over the State,
until you come to the limits of Baltimore city—
then you are to stop and proclaim to the people
of Baltimore, "you are a floating population of
rowdies, foreigners, mobites, ruffians, and ban-
ditti, and we will not trust you with the same
equal power, which we take to every man of
ourselves in the counties, and instead of giving
you your rightful proportion on the basis assu-
med, we will give you as a boon, a crumb of
comfort, what we choose arbitrarily to grant,
and therefore take 'four,' more than the largest
county." This would be in effect to mark
the city of Baltimore as a plague spot on
the map of the whole State, from which justice
and equality were to be forever banished. That
gentlemen who have advocated this proposi-
tion are personally actuated by patriotic motives,
I am willing to concede; but I have nothing to
do with their motives. I look to the effect pro-
duced by their acts, and that effect is to stamp
on the new Constitution, an invidious and unjust
discrimination against my constituents.
There has been much clamor raised against
the floating population, as it is termed of Balti-
more city. The public eye in the counties, has
been actually blinded by clouds of prejudice, to
the facts, that we have numerous churches raising
their spires to the Heavens; that we have
libraries and schools daily dispensing the light of
intellect among our people; religious and char-
itable societies without number to inculcate all
the teachings of the moral law; mechanic arts
whose skilful laborers are toiling day and night
and a commercial enterprise which crossing and
recrossing the mountain wave, brings wealth and
luxury to our favored emporium.
Are not such a people worthy of equal rights
with the yeomanry of the land ? Other gentle
men may be afraid to trust them with power
but as one of their humble delegates, I will never
consent to put a degrading stigma on such a con-
stituency. Vain the cry which has been echoed
in these halls against the rowdies, as they are
called, of Baltimore. They are comparatively
but few in number, and can be quelled by
firm and energetic administration of the laws
Are some two hundred rowdies, at the outside
9 |
to be the cause for disfranchising and degrading
a whole population of 169,000 souls?
We are told by the gentleman from Kent,
(Mr. Chambers,) to judge the tree by its fruits,
and say whether the territorial dynasty has ever
abused its power in the history of Maryland?
Suppose this were true, the argument would per-
petuate despotism wherever its reign was mild
and just. What, sir, am I to lay my head on the
footstool of a tyrant, because he may be kind and
benignant in his nature? No, sir; I would as
soon rebel against arbitrary power, however
well it might be tempered by mercy, as I would
against the bloodiest Nero that ever disgraced a
throne?
But the history of the past proves the assertion
to be untrue. For long years have the people
struggled, at times almost hopelessly, against
the iron rule of territorial power. How many
years did it require of fierce and bitter contest.
before the people could wrest the election of
their Governor from, and break up the equal
representation of counties? That was achieved
in 1836, and from that date a gentleman from
Somerset, [Mr. Dashiell,] dates the downfal
of the political dynasty heretofore wielded by
counties as distinguished from the people. (Here
Mr. BRENT read copious extracts from the speech
of Mr. DASHIELL. See Register of Debates, Feb.
11; page 208, for that speech.)
Sixteen years have rolled away since that
first triumph of the people—sixteen years of fur-
ther struggle for rights still withheld, and now
we are here in this Convention formed on the
territorial basis, and I am contending almost
single-handed for equal rights against the strength
of small counties, all powerful here, but weak in
their minority of population. And here you will
see right and justice sacrificed to appease the
territorial power that tyrannises over numbers,
by denying to them their due weight in the go-
vernment.
Are these no bitter fruits of such a tree as ter-
ritorial supremacy ? I tell you here, Mr. President,
that if you now but modify and mitigate
this system of inequality and oppression in the
popular branch of the Legislature, the struggle
will again be renewed until the people have ob-
tained all their rights, so long withheld. Make a
just compromise now or you will lose all. Let
the small counties lake warning from the fate of
Charles I. If he had made judicious compromi-
ses, in season, with his people, history teaches
us that he might have saved his crown; but, he
claimed inexorably the full prerogatives of his
power, until the popular feeling was so aroused,
that his subsequent attempts at compromise were
rejected with scorn, and he lost his head as well
as his throne.
So, I would, in no harsh spirit, warn gentle-
men from the small counties to take heed, lest,
while they hold on to their territorial power to
the exclusion of every fair and just compromise,
they may ultimately find it too late to save themselves,
even in the Senate, which they could now
honorably do, with every prospect of such a
compromise being undisturbed for perhaps a cen- |
