in trading with the West. The Convention looked
to the prosperity of Baltimore as the safety of
the State. To use the strong language of the
second resolution, it was asserted, that, if Balti-
more were destroyed, "the State would be re-
duced to poverty, insignificance, and ruin." And
it was supposed that, in a brief period, the cost,
if completed, would prove a source of immense
revenue to the State.
The result was an appropriation, in 1827, of
$262,500 to the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, and
in 1838 the appropriations to this work amount-
ed to upwards of seven millions. Now, although
it is perfectly true that its projectors supposed
that the city of Baltimore would become one of
the eastern termini of the canal, it is equally
certain that without the canal from the Potomac
to the Patapsco, the work could not add in any
sense to the commercial prosperity of Baltimore.
Because its only effect would be, to build up a
large rival city in the District, and to attract to
it products which otherwise would find their way
to our own city, either by the ordinary commu-
nications, or by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.
it may be questioned whether the cross canal would
have materially obviated this result. But all events
the experiment was never tried; and the Mary-
land canal, which was held out to the city of
Baltimore, as an inducement to her cheerful ac-
quiescence in the district scheme, has never been
constructed, although the Legislature was at the
pains, in 1837, to discover that it was practica-
ble. .
It is true that in 1836, the Legislature discov-
ered that the estimates were defective, upon
which the appropriations to the Chesapeake and
Ohio Canal had been made, and that the appro-
priations then asked for were necessary to save
the State from irretrievable loss. But any inqui-
rer into the legislation of the State, must be sat-
isfied that one-half of the gross debt, then crea-
ted, was not contracted for the advantage of Bal-
timore. When the whole system was underta-
ken, Baltimore was not regarded otherwise than
as its wealth and enterprise subserved the gener-
al good, and we are no more grateful than is the
proprietor of a commodious warehouse, lo those
who use it for purposes of sale or deposit. The
benefit is on both sides.
So too when other appropriations of the State
are considered. The subscriptions to the Susque-
hanna and Tide Water Canal Company, and to
the Eastern Shore Rail road Company, amount to
near a million and a quarter; yet in these the in-
terest of Baltimore city, was only secondarily
considered. Without recurring, as yet, to the
report of committee which recommended these
loans in 1836, it may be asserted that if the State
had confined her efforts to these works, in which
the city of Baltimore is confessedly interested,
both from position and from the use of its own
resources in their construction, there would have
been no reason to regret the encouragement ex-
tended to works of internal improvement The
affairs of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Com-
pany demonstrate this fact.
But the whole argument upon the gratitude
and ingratitude of Baltimore is put conclusively |
at rest by the report of the committee in 1836,
in the House of Delegates. It is evident, from
that report, that those concerned in the internal
improvement system, looked to its perfection, as
the means of realising a revenue to the State,
which would permanently free all sections from
taxation. In this view the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad, was no more a part of their ultimate
design, than was the extension of the system
through the counties of the Eastern Shore, or to
Maumee bay, Washington city, Chicago, or to
Belfast in Maine, and to the St Laurence at
Quebec, all of which were spoken of as parts of
a common system.
In conclusion, however, I may truly say, that
while I deprecate any attempt to place upon the
city of Baltimore, the entire responsibility of our
public debt, I frankly admit that she had her full
share in its creation—and that the enthusiasm of
her citizens contributed largely to arouse that
spirit of enterprise which in 1836 manifested it-
self so strongly in our Legislature. Nor have I
intended, in any allusion to her wealth and num-
bers, and to her insignificant power in the Slate,
to leave the impression that it has been wantonly
injured or oppressed On the contrary, it is my
firm conviction, that in general, the prosperity of
Baltimore is a matter of pride to the people of
the whole State, and I believe that, for the past
fifty years, there has been a generous desire to
advance its interests. But it cannot be denied
that all increase of its political power has been
resisted; and that it has been held in a state of
tutelage, offensive to its people. Our growth,
and large interest in the community, entitle us to
a fair share of authority in the management of
our own concerns. And we cannot forget that,
according to the usage of republican States, we
should be allowed to exercise a fair portion of
authority over what belongs to ourselves. Cities
have their minorities as well as men; and, in
their youth, it is proper to entrust their interests
to the community which gave them being But
that which is kindness at one session, is oppres-
sion at another, and the man who has reason and
physical power sufficient to understand his own
wants and protect himself, will not submit with
much willingness to the restraints of boyhood—
or quietly see his estate parceled out and levied
on without his consent, by his elder brethren, ac-
cording to their notions of the wants and require-
ments of the whole family.
Sooner or later, it must be conceded. And
although the hard necessities of our position may
compel us to leave this place with our full and
reasonable desire for political power ungratified,
yet that purpose one day will be accomplished.
If you refuse to the populous sections any in-
crease of strength, you will have done much to
weaken the force of those bonds which link the
several parts of this commonwealth together.
And if you mete out to us a share in the govern-
ment beneath our just claim, be assured, that
you but invite us to the renewal of an undeter-
mined contest—for a compromise, it will not be.
In the struggle that shall ensue, we may fail many
time—but each effort will renew our strength |
