State, after 1816, into four senatorial districts,
which should be as nearly equal as possible in
federal population, and which should each elect
five Senators. This was reported by the Sen-
ators. From Baltimore city. It was defeated
by a small vote, considering the nature of
the proposition. The question was then taken
on the passage of the House Bill, which gave one
Senator to each county, and one to the city of
Baltimore. It was defeated by a vote of eight to
six; the Senators from the city of Baltimore vo-
ting in the negative, which confirms the very na-
tural opinion, before expressed, that the senato-
rial system was to the advantage of that city, so
long as it possessed so small a share of influence
in the House of Delegates.
It is not material to consider further the his-
tory of this question, I shall proceed to the ex-
amination of the practical objections which are
made to any large increase in our city represen-
tation. It is commonly said that the circum-
stances of Maryland are peculiar, in as much as
so large a portion of her inhabitants are concentrated
in one community, and that a great depar-
ture from theory is justified. They are, indeed,
few States, in which the population of the princi-
pal city bears so large a proportion to that of the
whole State, but still, Maryland is not a single
example. In Louisiana there is a gross popula-
tion, according to the census of 1850, of 450,000
of which the city of New Orleans numbers nearly
one-third. The State has increased since 1840
nearly 100,000 inhabitants The largest propor-
tion of the increase was in the city of New Or-
leans. It is the necessary outlet for the produce
of the State, and the producers cannot escape the
market which nature has opened for them. Yet
the basis of representation in Louisiana, is regu-
lated, in the House of Representatives, by the
number of qualified electors; that people not im-
agining that the citizens of New Orleans would
use their political power in preying upon the
labor and industry of the agricultural classes of
the State.
It must also he recollected that, although other
States do not contain one city which has so large
a proportion of the population, that there are in-
stances, besides Louisiana and Maryland, in
which city interests are as predominant, as they
would be in this State, if the theory were allowed
full operation. In 1840 there were in the State
of New York, 2,428,921 inhabitants. In the city
and county of New York, there were 312,000.
And in Brooklyn, Albany, Utica, Rochester, Buf-
falo and the large towns upon the Hudson river,
and on the line of the Erie canal, enough addi-
tional population to make the commercial interest
nearly as powerful in that State as in our own.
The difference in position is immaterial. Their
interests are identical.
And if there was reason to apprehend that an ef-
fort might be made to shift the public burden
upon the agricultural community, it is likely that
New York and Buffalo would act together, be-
cause what would be of advantage to one, would
equally tend to promote the interests of the other.
There would appear also to be a strong reason
for restraining the political power of the city of |
New York. The lower counties, the valley of
the Mohawk, and the territory of Western
New York have scarcely any other avenue for
the heavier portion of their produce, than that
furnished by the Erie canal and Hudson river.
The city is emphatically their market. All the
pulsations of its great heart are felt along every
vein of internal communication. Yet, despite
these immense advantages over an agricultural
community, scattered through so wide a space of
territory, the political power of the State is dis-
tributed among the constituent pans according to
their population.
The objections however, to the system pro-
posed by the gentleman from Anne Arundel, are
best indicated by a comparison of the results to
which it leads with the practical defects and in-
justice of the present system. The counties of
Caroline, Calvert, Charles, Kent, Prince George's
Queen Anne's, St. Mary's, Talbot, Montgomery,
Worcester, Somerset, Dorchester and Anne Arun-
del, now have thirteen senators out of twenty-
one. and forty-six delegates out eighty-two—a
sufficient majority to control the legislation of
the state. They have 112,384 white inhabitants
—a gross population of 218,665. The minority
in the House composed of the remaining counties
and of the city of Baltimore, and Senate, repre-
sent 306,755 white inhabitants—a total popula-
tion of 364,351, and have only eight senators
and thirty-six delegates. Those first named have
a property assessed in value according to the
Treasurer's report of 1849, at $57,607,523—and
the latter, a property valued at $133,306 139. In
a word, under the present system, the white
population of thirteen counties control a popula-
tion near treble in amount in the remaining sec-
lions of the state, and wield the power of taxa-
tion over property double the amount of that
possessed by the communities which they repre-
sent. Under the plan of Judge Dorsey, reckon-
ing Howard county, they have fourteen senators
and forty-two delegates, and the remaining eight
counties and the city of Baltimore, but eight sen-
ctors and forty delegates.
The inequality is also strikingly exhibited when
sections of the state are contrasted. The coun-
ties of Caroline. Calvert, Charles, Kent, Queen
Anne's, Talbot, Montgomery, Prince George's,
Worcester, Somerset and St Mary's, have a pro-
perty assessed at $44,477,180, a white popula-
tion of 84,954—a free colored population of 25,-
952—(making atotal free population of 109,946,)
57,388 slaves—in all 167,544—and these ele-
ments are now represented by thirty-seven dele-
gates and eleven senators—and would under
Judge Dorsey's plan be eleven senators and thir-
ty-two delegates. Baltimore city has a property
assessed at $70,305,140—a while population of
141,441—free colored 24,625—a total free popu-
lation 166,066—2,946 slaves—and a gross popu-
lation of 169,012—and is represented by five
delegates and one senator, and in Judge Dorsey's
plan would have one senator and ten delegates.
That is the inequality confined to the case of
Baltimore only—or produced by "the existence
of a large commercial city within the limits of a
small state, "—that " peculiar situation, " of |
