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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 55   View pdf image
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55
puts the white and black races upon a political
equality. Such an idea should not, in my opin-
ion, be entertained here.
Sir, the simple result of fixing upon numbers
as a basis, is recognizing to that extent, political
equality between the negro and the white man,
which has not been done in any State of the
Union. I will not call your attention to the ba-
sis of representation adopted in all the various
States.
But it is right and proper that we should look
to the example of Southern States, having the
same classes of population which we have. We
find that Alabama, Mississippi and Texas, have
adopted white population as the basis of repre-
sentation in the popular branch; Louisiana, Mis-
souri, Arkansas, Tennessee and Kentucky, the
qualified voters or the white male inhabitants;
South Carolina, white inhabitants and taxation
combined; North Carolina, federal numbers;
Georgia, the white with three-fifths of colored,
slave and free; Florida, white population with
three-fifths of slaves, excluding the free negroes
entirely. And in the present Convention of Vir-
ginia, the contest now waging is not between to-
tal numbers and federal numbers, but between
while population and federal numbers.
Sir, I speak for myself, but I doubt not that I
express the sentiments of my colleagues, when I
say that we are prepared to compromise this
question in reference to the basis and other par-
ticulars.
We have had several propositions of compro-
mise, belore us, and two are now pending, I shall
glance at several of them, and point out the one
which I think embodies a basis and apportion-
ment fair and equitable to all parts of the
State.
Sir, the first question in order is, I believe, the
proposition submitted by the gentleman from
Washington, (Mr. Schley,) whom I regret, is
not in his seat. I regret it, because I must raise
my voice against his proposition, it does seem
to me that it is of such a character that it ought
not to have emanated from Washington county,
and that it ought not to command the vote of
any member from Western Maryland. Had it
come from one of the counties where there is a
large slave population. I should not have been
surprised. I would have appreciated it, in view
of the peculiar interests and circumstances by
which gentlemen from those counties are sur-
rounded .but I was surprised to see it come from
Washington.
My first objection to it is the one already ad-
verted to, which exists against all propositions
that make numbers, irrespective of color, the
basis of representation. But this is not the only
objection. It operates more unjustly towards
Allegany and Washington—the two counties in
the State having the largest proportionate white
population, and the first, if not both, the most
rapidly growing. It leaves but three counties
which will have unrepresented fractions; and the
counties which will have the largest unrepresent-
ed fractions, are Allegany and Washington. I
feel a particular interest in both By the good
will of the people of the former, I am honored as
one of its representatives on this floor; the latter
is my native county, and I am endeared to it by
many recollections.
I repeat, sir, that the proposition does injus-
tice to Washington and Allegany counties, which
will be apparent upon a comparison of the repre-
sentation they receive with that given to the oth-
er counties of the State. It cannot, therefore,
receive my vote.
The proposition next in order, is that submit-
ted by the gentleman from Anne Arundel, (Mr.
Dorsey.) It is liable to the same objections
urged against the other proposition. But the
gentleman from Anne Arundel has been more
particular in providing for his immediate constituents,
than the gentleman from Washington
for his. He asks for them seven representatives
—four for Anne Arundel proper and three for
young Howard—whilst he yields four to Allega-
ny; Allegany having more voters than the pre-
sent Anne Arundel.
The distinctive and favorite feature of the pro-
position, is that of districting the city of Balti-
more. lam in favor of the single district system,
believing it to be the proper system in a repre-
sentative government; but it should be general
throughout the State. Such a Bystem would be
most likely to secure a full and fair representa-
tion of all interests and sections, and minorities
as well as majorities would thereby be represent-
ed in the legislative body. But I cannot, by my
vote, assist in cutting the city into single districts,
and permitting the counties to elect their repre-
sentatives as counties. There are always large
minorities in the counties, and if these minorities
are not to be represented, then ought not the mi-
nority in the city to be represented. I am pre-
pared to go for a single district system through-
out the State. I prefer it above all others.
The proposition submitted by the other gentle-
man from Washington, (Mr. Fiery,) although
not now before us, I hope will be. Notice of a
motion to reconsider the vote by which it was re-
jected, has been given, I maintain, sir, that
that proposition presents a fair compromise, in-
stead of making federal numbers the basis, I
would prefer the Georgia basis, which places the
slave and the free black on the same platform,
for I see and feel the force of the objection to
federal numbers in a State having so large a free
colored population as we have in Maryland. For
the sake of compromise I would even go a step
further, adopt the Florida basis, and thus cut off
the free negroes altogether from the calculation.
But these changes in the basis would make but
little difference in the apportionment or practi-
cal results of the proposition.
Now, I will endeavor to show by figures that a.
proposition leading to results similar to those
flowing from that of the gentleman from Washington,
(Mr. Fiery,) would be a fair and proper
settlement of this question of representation. To
enable me to do so, I have taken the trouble to
make some calculations. I have looked to the
fact that there are different sections of the State
having conflicting interests; and, for the purpose
of adjusting and arranging those conflicting inte-
reats, we are met here together as brethren.


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 55   View pdf image
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  << PREVIOUS  NEXT >>


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