tection and power, which was sufficiently great
to afford it protection. If, for instance, a par-
ticular interest should need special protection, it
would be right and proper, in the formation of a
government, that a political power should be
given to that particular interest in the proportion
of that interest being great or small, as related to
the other interests of the government, which
was to be formed. He desired to advert to this
principle, as it related to his own constituency.
In his Congressional district they had. an interest
which was paramount to the same interests in
the whole State. They would say to gentlemen
who desired to take away the whole of their po-
litical power, and were whittling it down to such
a small amount as would render it scarcely
worth retaining, that they had a particular in-
terest, and were desirous of having that interest
protected, and that they felt as though they
ought to receive at the hands of the people of the
State of Maryland, in Convention assembled, a
fair share of political power, by which they
illight be enabled to protect themselves in the
enjoyment of their rights, and in the protection
of their interests.
It might be said, and he had no doubt that the
honorable gentleman from Baltimore city, [Mr.
Presstman,] when he introduced his proposition,
which was the only one that had ever met the
unanimous vote of the Convention, did it with a
view that that matter being settled, it might be
argued that it was not necessary that a particular
locality which had a certain interest, should
have that interest protected; and having incorporated
a provision in the Constitution, he im-
agined their mouths would be closed, because
when they went to speak, he could say, it was a
part of the contract.
This might be true, [said Mr, B.] but you and
I, Mr. President, having grown up young men
together; had just now approaching maturity.
[laughter,] but not yet having arrived at what
might be called years of discretion, know that this
is not to be relied upon. The very power that
made the Constitution can change it, and it is
only necessary, when a change is desired to call
another Convention.
He desired to speak to the gentlemen from the
Eastern Shore, to the people of which he had
been paying his respects He had seen a good
many of the constituents of the gentlemen repre-
senting that portion of the State, and they had
deputed him to tell their representatives that
they should not part with any of their power, for
if they did, they would hold them to a strict ac-
countability. They had a beautiful country, a
very patriotic, resolute, and intelligent population,
and what they said, they would be very
apt to do.
Having gone though this much, he would
come to the point of the government being a
government of compromise. On this point he
would say that the different interests ought to
have a controlling power some where, so as to
act as checks and counter checks, thus making
this a government of checks and balances. One
branch of the government should hold a check |
upon the other. The Governor was elected by
the people. Well, this was Democratic enough
for any body, not too much so, however, for him;
for it exactly and precisely suited him. He
never in his life had any thing that he did not get
from the people, and he would rather trust them
than any set of politicians, Whigs or Democrats.
They were now going to have the Judges elected
by the people. They could do this if they chose
their people would be satisfied with almost any-
thing, if they would keep their hands off of the re-
presentation system.
He voted for the proposition of the gentleman
from Kent, and he would explain his vote He
did so because he thought it was the best he
could get, and because he had no idea of ever
going back. "Progressive Democracy" never
travelled back.
He had seen nothing yet that came up exactly
to the standard of what he would like to vote for
upon this question of apportionment and representation.
The gentleman from Anne Arundel,
[Mr. Dorsey.] had introduced a proposition which
he had not had an opportunity to examine, as he
could not obtain a copy of it to ascertain its object.
He would like very much, if it was conve-
nient for the gentleman, that he should explain to
them the principle upon which his plan was in-
tended to operate. He did not, however, like to
say that he would go for it; because he did not
like to go for any thing blind, and always desired
to look before he leaped. He hoped, also, that
the gentleman from Washington. [Mr. Schley,]
would explain his proposition. His present im-
pression was that he should vole against both
Mr, President I have endeavored to per-
form a duty which I owe to my constituents
and the State at large Whatever course other
honorable gentlemen might pursue, he would be
found faithfully representing the interests and
wishes of his constituents. They had honored
him, and he would never desert, nor dishonor
them. He adjured gentlemen, by the respect
they bore to their venerated ancestors—by the
glorious reminiscences of the past history of
Maryland—by those blessings which we all now
so abundantly enjoy under our present Constitu-
tion—by the joyous anticipations of the hopeful
future, to hesitate, to slay their hand to counsel
of wisdom, and not to cast a withering blast over
the history of the past, the enjoyments of the
present, and the prospects of the future May
that wisdom which cannot err. guide and direct
you in all your deliberations, and lead you to the
wisest and happiest conclusions. May Maryland
ever stand an example to her sister States, of
fidelity to herself and to the Union. And may
the principles of civil, religious and political
freedom, which have ever been cherished in her
limits, be made perpetual, whilst admiring mil-
lions catching the fire of inspiration from her ex-
ample. Shall rejoice, in the enjoyments of a well
defined constitutional liberty.
In conclusion, Mr. B. thanked the Convention
for their attention, and hoped it would not be ne-
cessary for him to occupy so much of their time
upon any future occasion during the session. |
