tion. If either of the gentlemen, [Messrs. Thom-
as and Johnson] entertained such an opinion,
they then never breathed it. And now you find
these gentlemen all working together; and my
friend from Emmittsburg, [Mr. Annan,] with
his weight of character, bringing up the whole of
the forces together. Well, what do they go for?
Representation according to population, giving
Baltimore a fair proportion. But my friend on
the left does not want any districting about it.
Mr. GWINN. I go for districting the whole I
State, but not the city of Baltimore.
Mr. BLAKISTONE. I want to know when these
gentlemen became such radical reformers, and
in favor of representation according to popula-
tion. Did they take the ground of the gentle-
man from Frederick? How long was it since
they became reformers?
My friend, (Mr. Biser,) has been in the legis-
lature almost ten times in succession. Did he
start out with representation according to popu-
lation? Oh, no sir—no such thing, not a word
of it. My friend from Washington, (Mr Schley)
who so ably represents it, in 1838 represented
Frederick. How did he come here? Why, as
the bold champion of Constitutional reform—
but the avowed opponent of Conventional re-
form—he opposed it before the people, and was
of the opinion that I was too, that the legislature
could make all the reform that was necessary in
Maryland. But changes come over some men's
dreams. Another change, and we find the
whigs and democrats each trying to get the
whip hand of the other, as they would in a jockey
race, inducing people lo believe that they are
the real friends of the people. So much for
those gentlemen.
Now, we will take this matter in regular pro-
gression. We will take our friends from Wash-
ington, who had the hip and thigh race. The
same watch word was adopted—representation
according to population, so far as the counties
were concerned, giving Baltimore city the same
representation as the largest county and no
more. Will these honorable gentlemen carry
out this Washington county platform, as they
call it? Will they fulfill the public pledges given
to their constituents while canvassing for seats
upon this floor? I hope they will. Yet I must
be permitted to say that rumor, with her thous-
and tongues, is whispering in our ears that they
will not. Their recorded votes must decide the
issue.
What else do you want, gentlemen? Why, we
would like to have the clerks and registers elec-
ted by the people. What else? Why, we would
like to have the judges elected by the people,
And what else? Why, Washington county on the
subject of reform is ten thousand leagues ahead
of the world. What do you suppose she has
done? A most magnificent array of parties that
was ever seen in Washington county, march-
ing with banners and flags, and all the insignia
of party, was in the field to elect their constables.
Each district sent forth its full strength, and the
whig party, as I learn, was most triumphantly
successful. |
Is there an instance on record any where to be
found, that comes up to this standard of re-
form in that county? I acknowledge myself be-
hind the times—they are ahead of all the rest;
but if they would stop, and let us have three
days use of the telegraph, we might catch
up with them. Now, how this matter is to be
arranged is the next question. Why, I take this
ground; We ought to agree upon some Conven-
tional basis which should entitle each county to
two members—that is that no county shall have
less than two representatives. It seems to be
conceded on all hands that no county shall have
less. Then we can agree upon that. I do not
believe that any man can introduce a plan upon
which all men can agree, out and out.
Then, the next question is, what are you go-
ing to do with Baltimore?—for they want more.
You must do one of two things; you must say ar-
bitrarily, that each county shall have so many
additional, or fix a basis of representation out of
which the number shall be arrived at. Now,
what is the number you shall fix? That is the
question; and I do humbly apprehend that if you
will go to work and take the initiatory step, give
to each county a Senator and two represen-
tatives, and then fix a basis for Baltimore city
and the counties—so that according to my theo-
ry of government all the different interests in the
State will be properly protected; and I think
there will be found sufficient numbers in the
Convention to carry my plan through,
Mr. BRENT, of Baltimore city, interposing,
said, this is the proposition I am disposed to sub-
mit, which seems to correspond with the views
of the gentleman. I call his attention to it.
Sec. 2. The House of Delegates shall (until
the re-apportionment hereafter provided,) consist
of eighty-seven members, to be apportioned
among the several counties and the city of Balti-
more according lo the ratio herein provided, and
to their several numbers, (as shown by the last
census of the United States,) which shall be de-
termined by adding to the whole number of free
persons, including those bound to service for a
term of years, three-fifths of the slaves; and al-
lowing to each county and Baltimore city, one
additional delegate for every fraction of the ra-
tio exceeding eight hundred. The ratio shall be
seven thousand of said population in said city and
and counties, that is, to the said delegates shall
be apportioned as follows:
Allegany 4, Anne Arundel 3, Baltimore city
24, Baltimore county 6, Carroll 3, Caroline 2,
Calvert 2, Cecil 3, Charles 2, Dorchester 3, Fre-
derick 6, Harford 3, Kent 2, Montgomery 2,
Prince George's 3, Queen Anne's 2, St. Mary's
2, Somerset 3, Talbot 2, Washington 5, Worces-
ter 3—total 87.
And it shall be the duty of the General As-
sembly every ten years computing from its next
session to re-apportion the House of Delegates
upon the basis of population as aforesaid, by dividing
the several counties and the city of Balti-
more into as many election districts as the num-
ber of delegates to be elected, the said districts
to be equal in population as nearly as possible; |
