and the whole course of their conduct leads to
the conclusion, that they considered each other
as equal. Sir, while going on pursuing them
in the regular turn of their proceedings, when
they came to establish a Constitution, and to
adopt a system of representation, which was ob-
tained, as they supposed, for all time to come—
what was the course they pursued? I refer you
to the hook of your own Constitution, with which
every member of the Convention is familiar, and
there you find whether they were large or small,
with few or many in population—they all stood
upon the same platform of equality—each having
four representatives. Old St Mary's then was
not the diminutive St. Mary's, in point of num-
bers, she is now, as compared with other coun-
ties. And sir, if you look so far hack as 1790,
which is the first time I have been able to lay my
hands upon the census of that period, for the
purpose of seeing what was the relative popula-
tion of the different counties of the State, you
will find that with few exceptions. St. Mary's
had a population equal if not larger, than most
of the counties of the State. She had a popula-
tion much greater than the now magnificent city
of Baltimore.
CENSUS OF MARYLAND, 1790
Allegany - - - - 4,809
Anne Arundel ---- 22,589
Baltimore - - - - 25,434
Cecil - - - - - 13,625
Calvert ---- 8,652
Caroline ----9,506
Charles - - - - 20,613
Dorchester - - - - 15,875
Frederick - - - - 30,791
Harford - --- 14,976
Kent - - - - - 12,836
Montgomery - - - 18,003
Prince George's - - - 21,344
Queen Anne - - - 15,463
St. Mary's - - - - 15,544
Somerset --- 15,610
Talbot.- - - - - 13,084
Washington - - - -15,832
Worcester - . - -11,640
Baltimore city - - 13,503
Population of the whole State 319,728
Gentlemen will see by reference to the census
of 1790, that in the formation of the Constitution,
no reference was had to population or extent of
territory of the particular counties to he repre-
sented. There were certain geographical lines
by which they were defined, the same as the
limits and boundaries separating one State from
another. And. these were intended that they
might have municipal regulations; and also with
a view that in selecting their representative to
represent the wishes and views, and feelings of
the people, they might be enabled to take them
from the different sections of a county, in order
that their views and feelings might he properly
represented before the Legislature—for, in those
days it will be recollected there were no rail roads
and but few turnpikes, if any, and men had to
cut their way through the woods to make a road.
6 |
And, what would now-a-days be considered al-
most no travel at all. that is to go from here to
New York, would in former days, he regarded
as a great undertaking; to travel even a few miles
then was more difficult than hundreds now with
the facilities that modern improvements have af-
forded.
I want to go on and show you that this princi-
ple, established in 1776—having had no refer-
ence at all to the number of the population in
any particular county of the State, has been prac-
tised, mind you, from 1776 up to 1836, without
any variation or change whatever; notwithstanding,
we have had the addition of new counties,
and a good many of them, for there were in 1774
but sixteen But, whenever an addition has been
made—although the county erected out of an old
county, or perhaps out of two counties, had a
I population vastly inferior to either of the coun-
ties nut of which it was erected, and also the
other counties of the State; yet. when it became
a county, it stood upon the same political plat-
form as the others. The young child was put
upon its feet and made to walk equally as well as
the full grown man,
Sir, in 1836, a change was effected—a famous
bill was passed, which was called the Reformed
Constitution. (Sec. 9 relates to the number of
delegates apportioned to each county and city of
Baltimore. Sec. 20, ch. 197, relates to the elec-
tion of Governor.)
Then, for the first time, an innovation was
made. Why was it done ? Was it done because
any evil had grown out of the practice under the
old Constitution? No, sir; no, The people were
not oppressed; they were happy—every where
they were prosperous, because the revolution in
the money market did not occur till 1837, the
year after. And, sir, I do not pretend to speak
knowingly on the matter; but, perhaps, that
change in 1836 might have had some effect, per-
haps here at home—might have had some ten-
dency to produce the result. But I do not be-
lieve it. Then the change took place. Well,
what has been the consequence since, and why
did it take place? It took place, not by the de-
liberative judgment of the people—with a view
of remedying any evil that was known to exist,
but it was, as the gentleman (I believe from
Queen Anne's, Mr. GRASON, on a former occa-
sion and upon a different subject) says, on account
of a brag game which was being placed
between the Whigs and the Democrats in order
to see which was to have the ascendency by be-
ing the advocates of popular rights.
Each party was trying to play a brag game and
make the people believe that they were the peo-
ple's friends. I do not believe there was a single
man who believed that they were any more the
people's friends than they were before. Not one
of them. Well, a word of remark to my friend,
[Mr. Brent ] over the way. He said that he
wanted to reply to my remarks, made before that
reform was the cause of corruption in Maryland.
He did not intend to be misunderstood. Gentle-
men here, as in some societies, were giving in
their experience. The gentleman from Balti-
more city, [Mr. Presstman,] gave in his. The |
