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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 400   View pdf image
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400
change the votes of several counties. He would
not be understood as intimating that the mover,
or those who advocated the proposition, intended
or expected any such result, but that this seemed
to him the natural and probable result.
He should oppose the proposition of the gen-
tleman from Charles. [Mr. Merrick,] because
that proposition sought to make the Legislature
elect the President of the Chesapeake and Ohio
canal company indirectly, by declaring that the
agent elected byjoint ballot should be President.
He believed it was not competent for the Legis-
lature to do this. All that the Legislature could
do was to select the agents, and these agents
could elect the President and Directors, voting as
they did, a majority of the stock.
He should, therefore, oppose all of the propo-
sitions submitted, and should vote to leave the,
whole subject in the power of the Legislature,
which was competent to mould and shape the
system to the exigencies of the State, the work
and the will of the people.
Mr. HARBINE said he was favorable to the pro-
position of the gentleman from Frederick, [Mr.
Thomas.] There were several objections urged
against it, but he was unable to see much force
in any of them. No plan could be perfect that
had an imperfect man for its author, but it might
he so near perfect as to subserve well the pur-
poses for which it was intended. That was all
could reasonably be expected, and that bethought
would be effected by the proposition under con-
sideration. As to its political tendency or effect,
it was a matter of regret to hear any allusions
made. This ought not to be, nor did he think
that this was a matter which the people of the
State connected with politics; certain it was
that he was the last person to introduce political
considerations into this discussion. He would
not, however, omit to say, that in his opinion,
our public works would always be controlled,
more or less, by the party in the ascendancy, if
the whigs had a majority, they would favor men
of their own party, and so with the democrats.
With the present system, that was certainly the
case, and so it would, no doubt, be with any oth-
er, But certainly the proposition now under
discussion was framed without any reference to
party considerations, and one less liable to that
charge could not be produced. It provided for
four districts, each to elect one commissioner.
Now, judging from the past and present political
complexion of those districts, the eastern shore
and southern district would each elect a whig while
Baltimore and the western district would each
elect a democrat. There then would be an equal
representation of each party—a tie. It was pro-
posed to give the casting vote to the treasurer.
whom the committee on that department recom-
mended should be elected by the joint vote of
both Houses of the General Assembly. Should
that report be approved, parties will have an
equal chance of electing that officer—nay, he
thought the whigs would have a little the best
chance Such being the fact, could any thing be
more fair—less partisan—less liable to objection
on that ground ?
But why talk of the politics of these several
districts, when no man could tell what the poli-
tics of any portion of the State would be five or
ten years hence. There are elements now at
work, which might totally annihilate the present
political parlies in a very short time. At the
north and the south, in the east and the west, the
great Union question was absorbing old parties
and creating new ones As yet we are but little
affected, but who shall say how long it will be
thus? The storm of a presidential campaign,
now rapidly approaching, may produce a total
change, and why then speak or think of political
considerations ?
The proposed plan gives Baltimore city one
commissioner out of the four, or one-fourth of
the power. This certainly does not enable her
to injure any portion of our public works, should
she desire to do so. Thus situated the most timid
need not fear her power.
There would be less to apprehend from that
city's influence, under the proposed system of
electing these commissioners in seperate districts
by the people, than if they were elected by the
Legislature, for by the latter mode, all kinds of
log-rolling, jubilees and jollifications would be
brought to hear, and Baltimore would be able to
effect more in proportion to her representation,
than any other portion of the State. By the
system proposed, her influence can only effect a
single district; beyond that it will not and cannot
extend so as to produce results. He would
sooner trust the people, so far as the power of
that city was concerned, than the Legislature,
for with them there was much less danger of
corruption, and of subserving local or private
purposes, so that so far as any fears might exist
of the power of our commercial emporium, the
plan he advocated was free from objection.
As to the argument that the. salary proposed
was too small, it was entirely without, foundation,
for the proposition fixed no salary. That matter
was left to the Legislature, which had fixed the
salary of the present State agents atone hundred
dollars each, and no doubt would do justice to
those we proposed to elect by the people. The
language of the proposition was, "shall each re-
ceive a salary to be fixed by law, which salary
shall not he increased or diminished during their
continuance in office." Now, he contended that
inasmuch as the Legislature had given but a
small compensation in one case, they would not
be likely to increase it much, should the propo-
sition of the gentleman from Frederick (Mr.
Thomas,) be adopted. Nor did he think it any
thing more than right and proper, as the Legis-
lature were authorized to prescribe duties for
these commissioners, and might make much or
but little labor for them, that it should have the
right to say what would be a fair remuneration.
It was a sound principle, trial any person em-
ployed should be paid in proportion to the amount
of service rendered. Now, as those services de-
pended upon the will of another body, and we
did not know what it would require, how could
we name a proper salary? Thus situated, it
would be impossible for us to judge and we
would be very likely to make it too much or too


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 400   View pdf image
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