posals of compromise—of adjustment—on this
question were made here, among counties of the
same State, as if we were opposing antagonist
communities? This was the origin of the dis-
cussion. And Mr. T. would say to the majority
here, if you have the power to arrange this
question to suit the reform party in the State, do
it. Let it be your own act; one of mere power;
the power of numbers. But do not make a
plan to suit your own views without ever con-
sulting the delegates for the slave counties, and
then call it a compromise, as if we were parties
to the arrangement.
Mr. T. wished not be misunderstood. He did
not mean to say that there was at this time any
purpose in any part of the State to interfere
with the relation of master and slave. But he
would say this, the arrangement of the repre-
sentation question denies to the slave section of
the State an adequate protection against the
taxing power of the Legislature. It is a very
easy matter for the majority in the Legislature
to arrange the assessment to suit themselves. If
he is told that this idea calls in question the im-
partiality and patriotism of the Legislature, he
would answer that some portions of the State
have been always complaining of the unjust
operation of the tax law. Baltimore has com-
plained—and the counties have complained.
And, indeed, so far from its being a mere sus-
picion of injustice, the fact is established by the
public documents. Mr. Tuck had heretofore
spoken of the interest his county had in the
question, owing to her high assessment com-
pared with many other of the counties. To be
more definite as to slave property, he would
say that the highest assessment of men in his
county is $600, and the same in Anne Arun-
del—in Montgomery, Charles and Calvert it is
$500. These are to be reduced in their delega-
tions. In Frederick the assessment is $360—
Washington and Carroll $400—Baltimore and
Harford $300—Allegany $340, and Cecil $275.
This system is unjust, and there should be
another assessment; but does any one believe
that those who have the power to do us justice
will grant it at their own expense? The attempt
has been made more than once and failed.
When will it succeed? He had no such hope.
We must toil, labor and endure still, and for
our recompense look to that reward which every
patriotic heart enjoys—the sense of having done
one's duty.
Mr. T. had made these remarks merely to
defend his own course. Whatever gentlemen
here may say of the soundness of public senti-
ment among their constituents, he had seen very
little in the way of practical measures to satisfy
him that some feeling does not exist in the State
on the subject of slavery. In what direction it
was tending, to what extent it had gone, he
could nut say. He regretted that this line of
debate had become necessary. He would not
have said one word of the kind if terms of
compromise had not been spoken of, and forced
Upon us on a very delicate subject, in regard to
which, he had thought there was but one senti-
ment in this hall. |
Mr. SMITH regretted exceedingly that the
exciting subject of slavery had been introduced
into a proposition of this kind. He certainly
had no such intention in bringing this report
before the Convention. He regretted, most sin-
cerely regretted, to see this local feeling, this
constant appeal to the slaveholding portion of
the State to rally against Western Maryland.
He could not be held responsible for the senti-
ments of any gentleman from Allegany or Wash-
ington counties upon the subject of federal
numbers. He desired upon the subject of sla-
very to say, that Western Maryland was as sound
as the gentleman's county, (Prince George's,)
or any other county of the State. Allegany
county upon that subject is a unit. He had
never heard the subject of federal numbers as a
basis of representation discussed in his county,
and if suggested here in this Convention, it was
only as a matter of compromise on the part of
the West An increased representation from
Western Maryland was demanded as a matter
of right and of principle, and should be so.
He came to this Convention very conservative
in his views and feelings upon that subject, as
will be seen by his votes. When, however, a
direct assault was made on his county by the
gentleman from Prince George's, and the vote
taken, he was driven from his position; and he
never did or would consent to vote for a pro-
vision in the constitution without an increase in
the relative aggregate strength of Allegany
county. Under the present constitution, we
were entitled to one-half part of the whole num-
ber of delegates. In the present apportionment,
as agreed upon, we will have one-nineteenth.
He was very unwilling that this question should
further agitate this Convention, as constant ap-
peals were made to slaveholders to rally against
the aggressions of the western part of the State.
He voted to give Baltimore city ten delegates
most reluctantly. It was a bitter pill, and
taken most reluctantly, as he always opposed
Baltimore city having mure than the largest
county of the State. He believed this to be the
general sentiment of his county. He had fre-
quently consulted with his friends in the Con-
vention from various parts of the State, and al-
ways urged an increase for the western counties,
and restricting Baltimore city to the number of
the largest. He regretted, after making the
fairest possible proposition, that the gentleman
of Prince George's should make a direct assault
upon Allegany county, by moving to deprive it
of one member. It was most unkind, especially
as his colleagues were generally voting against
his conservative views.
Mr. S. regretted that the action of his friends
in the Convention compelled him to vote for
Mr. Grason's bill. He could not have supposed
it possible to introduce so exciting a subject as
slavery by introducing this proposition for a
new county.
Mr. JENIFER said that the very object he had
in offering his amendment, was to establish
the principle spoken of by the gentleman from
Prince George's. He (Mr. J,) was not sur-
prised at the course taken. His object was to |
