previously fixed by the Convention. The gen-
tleman from Frederick had probably misunderstood
him,
Mr. THOMAS explained that referred to a gen-
eral sentiment in the Convention, and not to the
gentleman from Queen Anne's,
Mr. GRASON proceeded to say that he had no
intention to reverse the decision of the Conven-
tion on that subject. He was not present when
the legislative bill was under consideration; but
was informed, on his return, that the first Wednesday
of November had been fixed for the elec-
tion of delegates. He had therefore named the
same day and month: for the election of Go-
vernor. As he now understood that the time had
not been finally fixed for the election of dele-
gates, he would, for the present, withdraw his
amendment, and move to fill the blank with
1853, in order that the vote might be taken on
that question by itself.
Mr. DORSEY opposed the filling of the blank
with 1853, for the reason that when all the other
officers were turned out by the adoption of the
new Constitution, he could see no motive for
allowing the Governor to remain in office for
another. He should propose, therefore, that the
blank should be filled with 1852, which would
have the additional advantage of bringing the
election of the Governor upon the game day with
the election of President.
Mr. GRASON suggested that the gentleman
from Anne Arundel should have gone further, to
be consistent, and provided that the Governor
should go out in 1851, at the lime of the first
election,
Mr. DORSEY was willing to allow the Governor
to remain in office for another year. The ques-
tion was not now simply upon one election, but
for all future time; and be wished the State and
Federal elections to take place upon the same
day.
Mr. STEWART, of Baltimore, moved a call of
the House, which was ordered. The doorkeeper
was sent after the absent members, who, after
gome time, returned and stated that he had given
notice to each that his attendance was desired.
Mr. GRASON said that it had already been de-
cided that the election of delegates would be
every other year. The first election would
take place in 1851. All the action of the Con-
vention had been upon the supposition that the
Governor would be elected at the same time
with the Delegates of the General Assembly.
All these advantages were now to be given up in
order that the President of the United States
and the Governor of Maryland should he elected
together. From the formation of the Constitu-
tion of the United States down to the present
time, this was perhaps the first attempt to unite
the elections of the Slate and the general offi-
cers. It had heretofore been considered of great
importance that the two elections should not
coincide. Now, if the plan of the gentleman
from Anne Arundel should prevail, not only
would the Governor be elected upon the day of
the presidential election, but it would be neces-
sary to have the Judges elected at the same
time; and any argument which would slow the |
necessity of electing the Governor upon that
day, would be equally valid in respect to the
election of Judges upon that day. So that this
office, as important as that of Governor, now
that the latter was to be deprived of his patron-
age, would come upon that day,
It had been said that this was a mere party
question; that the Democrats wished to keep
the elections separate; and that the Whigs
wished to blend them together. The advantage
of either course would depend altogether upon
the candidate for the presidency. Mr, Clay, he
supposed to be an exceedingly popular man in
Maryland; and it was an advantage to the
Whigs during that campaign to have the two
elections united. But in 1828, when General
Jackson and Mr, Adams were candidates, the
advantage of uniting them would have been al-
together upon the other side. At one time one
party would gain by it, and at another time the
other party would gain by it, independent of
party considerations, he preferred that the elec-
tions should be kept distinct, that the State in-
terests might not be overshadowed by the ab-
sorbing questions connected with the Federal
Government.
Mr, DORSEY had been somewhat surprised to
hear the gentleman from Baltimore county (Mr.
Buchanan) so formally and tauntingly retract
every complimentary expression he had made
use of yesterday concerning himself, on account
of what he (Mr. D.) had said this evening.
What had he said that could induce the gentle-
man to take such a course? Had he said any
thing unkind towards that gentleman or towards
the city of Baltimore, of which he had so
promptly exhibited himself as its champion and
avenger? Not a syllable bad he uttered that
could be tortured into any thing of the kind.
There was not a member in this Convention
who had a kinder feeling towards that city, or
who was more anxious to promote its welfare
and prosperity than himself. There was not,
either in or out of this body, one who would be
more ready to protect it, if its interests were
unjustly assailed or its just rights were invaded;
in this he was actuated by the same sense of jus-
tice and reason as would induce him to extend
protection to every other portion of Maryland.
All that he had proposed was so to divide the
State into gubernatorial districts as to avoid the
unnatural separation of the city and county of
Baltimore, which by their contiguity, commu-
nity of interests, daily intercourse and business
associations, were so inseparably connected.—
He had said, too, that Baltimore would have the
control of the elections, and Baltimore county,
though it were to be attached to the other coun-
ties of the Western Shore, and the result would
be that Baltimore city would influence the elec-
tions as well within its own limits as in the dis-
trict of which Baltimore county was a compo-
nent part. I said I meant nothing derogatory
to either city or county. The city of Baltimore
is in, Maryland, the centre of attraction around
which the eminent of all professions and trades
from every part of the State more or less con-
gregate. If affords a more eligible field for the |
