had been influenced by political considerations.
Sir, there stands the recorded fact—they have
voted to deprive themselves—their own Shore—
their own county—of a portion and a proportion
of the representation it had. The fact is of re-
cord, on your journal, that while some of us have
urged our claims to the representation guaranteed
to us by the compromise of 1836, we have been
opposed, resisted, out-voted, defeated, by a de-
cided majority, a solid column, composed in part
of members from those very counties, which, by
this majority, has been shorn and stripped of its
proportionate political influence, it has been
done and done deliberately. There must be some
cause, some motive, which has occasioned these
doings. We all act from motive. What was
man but a creature of motive? What was mind
but something operated upon by inducement? Did
the gentleman know of an instance in which a
community—a community of people—had spontaneously
risen up and said to another body of
people, "We have more political power than
justly belongs to us; take part of it from us.?"
Was ever such a thing done since the first foundations
of society were laid? Why, sir, you will
as soon see men tender to their neighbors a por-
tion of their money, or their property, because
they have more than their just share of the good
things of this life. Men would give their money,
or their goods, or their labor, to receive some
equivalent in return: and so would they part with
a portion of their political power, to receive some
full equivalent. But such an equivalent would
alone induce them to part with the one or the
other. Yet it was a fact, a recorded fact, that
some gentlemen from the Eastern Shore had
voted to reduce the number and the proportion of
the delegation from that Shore. Then, sir, I say
they must have some reason, some motive, for
thus voting. Would these gentlemen themselves
be willing to say they hid no motive for what
they had done? Now, sir, I can perceive, very
readily, that by throwing a greater amount of
power into the hands of the citizens of Baltimore,
and the large counties, which cast their votes in
the same way as the majority in the city of Bal-
timore cast theirs, I can readily understand, how
by making this power more effective in the
political control of the State, the predominance
of the party, in the whole State, may be bet-
ter secured, and thereby each portion of that
State party, dispersed through the counties, in-
crease the prospect of securing political ap-
pointments, I can well enough comprehend,
now, by stripping other counties, of different
and adverse political sentiments—to an extent
very much beyond the number and extent of
themselves, they will weaken the adverse party,
as an entire or State party, and of course, re-
latively strengthen their own. This is an in-
fluence or motive which I can comprehend and
appreciate, and I am free to say, I can neither
appreciate or comprehend any other, which
seems to me adequate to resolve what is pass-
ing before us. By this process the equivalent
is received—a double equivalent, for first the
political strength of the adversary is reduced,
and next the favorite party is strengthened, in |
other respects more important than that in
which a part of their power is given up. Well,
sir, gentlemen have reiterated and retorted the
remark, imputing political views to those of us,
who differ from them. Now, sir, I have no
concealment on this subject; never had. I will
not stand on this floor nor any where else, and
make insincere professions. I say then distinct-
ly, if a proposition is here presented to me, the
result of which, according to my best judgment,
is only to affect the interests of the State in so
far as it affects the elevation of the one, or the
other, of the two political parties which divide
us, I will certainly, in such case, advocate the
course by which the party to which I am at-
tached will be advanced. I never have, and
never will disclaim such a purpose. But, sir, 1
do say, with equal sincerity, that I will never
advocate ameasure which promises to advance
any party, if in my judgment that measure is
not sanctioned by considerations of policy and
propriety, which promise to make it useful to
the State. No measure, which I believe will
prejudice the State, shall ever have my sanc-
tion here, however successfully it might operate
as a party measure. My judgment may be
biased, prejudiced, in a particular case. That
is a matter for the exercise and the best efforts
of my understanding, I shall carefully endea-
vor to do my duty in this particular, and for the
success or failure of that endeavor, must ac-
count to my constituents.
The gentleman had spoken of his own course,
but I have no more to say in relation to it; let
his constituents judge him, as mine will judge
me. And now, sir, I have acquilted myself of
no very pleasant duty, but one which seemed to
be imposed upon me by the remarks of the gen-
tleman from Queen Anne's,
Mr. GRASON said, that, in alluding to the dis-
position of the gentleman from Kent to assail
other members, he had expressly ascribed It to
the excitement of debate, and had given him
credit for the liberality which he generally man-
ifested after having time for reflection. Be-
tween that gentleman and himself there had al-
ways been a friendly intercourse. He would
never say a word to offend the feelings of that
gentleman, unless in answer to some attack
upon himself. The gentleman had alluded to
him as being recreant to the interests of the
Eastern Shore. That was the meaning, if not
the words, of the gentleman from Kent, be-
tween whom and himself, in relation to the sub-
ject of representation, there was only the dif-
ference of two delegates to be allowed to the
city of Baltimore. But the gentleman insisted
that his being in the minority, compelled him to
propose what was not acceptable to him or his
friends, while those in the majority were at
liberty to submit such plans as were least ob-
jectionable to themselves. He had, himself,
been placed precisely in the same position as
the gentleman from Kent, having been always
in the minority on this question till yesterday,
when his substitute was adopted by the Con-
vention. In preparing that substitute, his ob-
ject has been, not merely to gratify his own |
