the motives and proceedings of other members.
That gentleman had alluded to certain Eastern
Shore members, who had abandoned the interests
of their constituents. Mr. G supposed that this
charge was intended to be made more particularly
against himself, because he had presented the ap-
portionment bill, which had been adopted by the
Convention. He would now show that the gen-
tleman from Kent and himself had voted fur
propositions which were so nearly alike on the
subject of representation, that neither had much
reason to find fault with the other for a difference
of opinion. He was satisfied that the gentleman
from Kent, who was always liberal, except in
moments of excitement, would after a little re-
flection, be satisfied with the proposition which
he now so fiercely assailed. According to that
proposition, the counties of the State were al-
lowed a representation in proportion to the whole
number of their inhabitants; and the city of Bal-
timore was entitled to four more Delegates than
were allowed to the most populous county. This
apportionment gave ten members to Baltimore,
though his bill, as originally submitted, limited
the number to nine Mr. Schley's bill, which had
been previously offered and rejected, provided for
a representation according to gross population,
but limited the Delegates of Baltimore city to the
number allowed to the largest county. When
Mr. Schley's bill, after being rejected, was again
under consideration, the gentleman from Kent
moved to amend it by increasing the number of
Baltimore Delegates to eight—that is, to two
more than were allowed to the largest county
The difference between Mr. Schley's bill, as pro-
posed to be amended by the gentleman from Kent,
and his own bill, as originally submilted, was
simply this, that one allowed eight and the other
nine to the city of Baltimore. This difference of
one Delegate was increased to two by the vote of
the Convention, in which he concurred, because
it appeared to be the only means of settling a
question which was surrounded with difficulties.
His [Mr. G's] bill secured to the slave counties,
in all time to come, the important advantage of
being represented according to their whole popu-
lation; and he could not perceive that the slight
difference between the gentleman from Kent and
himself was a sufficient reason for arraigning the
Eastern Shore members who voted with the ma-
jority of the Convention. It was this near ap-
proach to an agreement of opinion that had in-
duced him, when he presented his bill, to say that
he thought there was no necessity for a confer-
ence; and that he really believed that the gentle-
man from Kent and himself, if they had met for
the purpose of a compromise, could have come to
an agreement on the subject of representation.
At all events, their opinions, as shown by their
votes, were so nearly alike that he could not per-
ceive how the gentleman from Kent could charge
him with having abandoned the interests of the
Eastern Shore.
Mr. CHAMBERS said, if it was not that the most
extraordinary events were daily witnessed by us,
he might have expressed surprise; but really, sir,
(said Mr, C.) I have ceased to feel surprise at almost
any thing said here. Yet certainly I do |
think that amongst the most strange of the strange
things here enacted, is the effort of the gentleman
from Queen Anne's (Mr. Grason) to prove an
agreement between him and myself in the action
had here on the representation question. Amongst
all the odd things of the day, this effort must
certainly rank as "number one"—"distinguish-
ed."
Why, sir, let him tell this Convention that
midnight darkness reigns and rules under a meri-
dian sun I When that gentleman, and those who
acted with him, have driven us—our little band—
from every entrenchment—driven us to the wall
—headed us off in every attempt to rally—resisted
us in every advance—rejected all our proposals,
in the downward steps to which they forced us:
then to taunt us with an agreement—a concur-
rence in their assaults upon us! As well may
they talk of the agreement and assent of the gal-
ley slave to his daily toil, and as well taunt linn
with willing submission, when with the lash of a
task-master at his back, he tugs at the oar to
which he is chained.
He who desires to learn my wishes in reference
to this question of representation, can be at no
loss. Any man who ever knew and has not for-
gotten his A B C, may find my opinion, spread
as large as life, upon our record. There it is, and
it does justice to the Eastern Shore. Against
that proposition the gentleman's vote was record-
ed, and yet he gravely says he and I have agreed.
It must be that we agreed to differ. Yes, sir, we
do differ, and most emphatically in this; that,
while by my plan and my vote, I would continue
a respectable representation to the Eastern Shore,
and prevent its being reduced to something like a
cipher; while I have been thus engaged, the gentleman's
votes have been directly opposed to
mine. But this is but half the story. The gen-
tleman has not only voted against my scheme, but
he has presented one of his own—a plan, which
was the sole, exclusive, deliberate product of the
gentleman's own mind, has been voluntarily pre-
sented by himself. It was no creature of a com-
mittee, in which conflicting opinions had been
compromised; it did not originate from any in-
structions of this body, or from any extraneous
influence, to which official duly required him to
conform. Not at all. He himself, ex mero motu,
concocted it and presented it, and there it is on
the record, and there it will be, for future inspec-
tion and judgment by those whom it affects.
The proposition submitted by the minority of
the committee, of which I was one, gives the East-
ern Shore twenty-eight members, in a house of
eighty-six, being nearly one-third; and the propo-
sition of the gentleman gives our Shore twenty-
one members, in a house of seventy-five, being
very little more than a fourth. My proposition
leaves the representation from the Eastern Shore
precisely what it now is; that of the gentleman
reduces it one-fourth.
Is this agreement? But this is not all. We
have had published some twelve to fifteen differ-
ent schemes, and amongst them all there is net
to be found, I believe, one from any quarter
which gives to our shore a smaller proportion of
members of the House of Delegates, than the |
