Republican, Monarchical and Despotic, that had
gone before them, and were, then, as now,
Known only as things that once existed, they
Were taught to practice upon the precepts: "Put
not your trust in Princes nor in the sons of men,
for there is no salvation in them." They de-
manded the strong bond of two-thirds, as a safe-
guard to their interests. They obtained the in-
sertion of the article I have quoted, or they
never would have become parties to the con-
tract. And are we, their descendants) bone of
their bone, and flesh of their flesh, entitled by
all the rules of law that have obtained among
civilized nations, and by common sense, to the
full benefits of this compact, because we de-
mand a faithful observance of its terms, or to
be absolved entirely from its obligations, to be
classed among secessionists? Let no man charge
me with being the advocate of nullification or
secession!
In that dark and gloomy day when South
Carolina raised the flag of Nullification, I con-
demned her doctrine. I feel but little sympa-
thy with her notions of secession now, because
I believe the General Government will faith-
fully carry out all the provisions of the late
compromise. Enough of this. I will only re-
mark, if gentlemen would but exercise the
faculty of reasoning for a moment, they will
find there is no more analogy between secession
as proposed by South Carolina, and the resolu-
tion offered, some months ago, by the gentleman
from Dorset, than there is between darkness
and light, it was put in juxta position, and
was designed as a set off to the proposition of
the gentleman from Baltimore city, (Mr. Presst-
man,) who proposed to abrogate the 59th arti-
cle of the Constitution, and maintained the right,
if the contract was to be dissolved, that each of
the contracting parties should be restored to
their original position. It breathed not the
language of menace nor threat, but in the spirit
of amity and peace responded, if our union is
unpleasant or disagreeable, let there be no strife
between us. You go to the West and we will take
to the East. The head and front of the entire
movement hath this extent—no more.
Having shown, sir, the terms upon which the
people of the Eastern Shore were induced to
enter into this government, and insisting upon a
strict adherence to those terms, it is not only
candid, but affords me unaffected pleasure to
admit that there is no part of the contract, I
mean it is not so nominated in the bond, that
the Governor should come alternately from the
two shores. That they were thus alternated,
was a matter of controversy, which the people
of the Western Shore were willing, to manifest
towards their fellow-citizens of the Eastern
Shore. This practice commenced at the be-
ginning of our Government, and, sanctioned by
uniform usage, continued up to the memorable
epoch of the year 1836. Originating with the
Fathers of the Republic—whose expanded views
soared far above the narrow conception of sub-
jecting every thing to this Procrustean process,
whose patriotic minds held in contempt such
idle abstractions and Utopian theories, men of |
practical common sense, appreciating liberty
and its concomitant blessings, because they had
encountered every privation, and periled their
fortunes and their lives in its achievement. This
practice, emanating from this high source, con-
tinued to be as religiously observed as though
it were part and parcel of the Constitution it-
self, throughout the whole intervening time,
from the foundation of the Government to the
year 1836. What, let me ask, is it, but an ab-
straction—an idle phantasy of the brain—to be
engaged in apportioning localities, and adjusting
the forms of Government to equal numbers—
equal to-day and unequal to-morrow—varying
as caprice, the avocations of trade, or the thou-
sand controlling circumstances of human actions
may suggest?
Are we to revive the principle of the Gracchi
—the Agrarian system tested in ancient Rome,
and exploded centuries ago.? Are we to follow
in the wake of changing, fluctuating France—
wheeling about—turning about and revolution-
izing—having every thing as unfitted and un-
certain as the elements around us. We, the re-
cipients of the, richest heritage ever bequeathed
to any nation—offering an asylum of peace and
rest to the down-trodden and oppressed of
every clime; we, whose example hitherto has
been to all nations struggling for freedom, as a
cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night, are
we now to descend from our high position—lose
the respect of all mankind, and become the
servile imitators of fickle, frivolous, imbecile
France, whose form of Government in the life-
time of one individual, has undergone thirteen
different mutations?
The subtle, flexible politician, Talleyrand,
whose adroitness enabled him to survive all
these mutations and transmutations—even he,
with all his heartlessness, became wearied, and
when the oath of allegiance had been taken for
the thirteenth time, prayed God it might be the
last.
Mr. President, (continued Mr. D.,) when I
see a man, versed in public affairs, devoting the
best energies of his heart and mind, in the con-
scientious discharge of his sacred obligations
to his country, his God, and truth—to such a
man I bow in deference, and welcome him into
the inmost recesses of my heart. But when I
hear a man pronouncing the name of the people
triflingly on his lips, whilst unmitigated tyranny
rankles in his bosom, using his fellow only as a
ladder to scale the height of his own ambitious
aspirations—such a man is my perfect scorn,
utter detestation,—object of my implacable
disgust.
A few moments since, I had no idea I should
now be addressing the house. I never enter
this hall with a prepared speech, with set phra-
ses, nor premeditated hisses. A plain, blunt
man, I speak right on, as the occasion may re-
quire,—nothing extenuating nor aught setting
down in malice, and, something like that quiet
and peace-loving sect, only when moved by the
spirit, indisposed, as I have been, and as I
now am, prudence perhaps would have dictated
to me silence at this time; and sure I am, not |
