tation in this body, did not for one instant suppose
the city of Baltimore would demand as a sine
qna non representation according lo population.
Why, sir, of all the members of this body, known
as reformers, hut seventeen voted for the adop-
tion of that principle, when compelled to record
their votes upon the resolution of the gentleman
from St. Mary's, [Mr. Blakistone,] And among
these, of my own knowledg, were several, who
in voting for it, did so alone in view of the adoption
of the district system.
Mr. WM. COST JOHNSON here remarked that
as the hour was late, if the gentleman from Bal-
timore would acquiesce he would make a motion
to adjourn, which Mr. P assented to,
And the Convention adjourned,
WEDNESDAY, March 26th, 1851.
Mr. PRESSTMAN said that in the remarks which
he had made on yesterday to the Convention, he
had stated that it was not his intention to discuss
the subject now under consideration, beyond the
actual necessity of deliberating in a spirit of
compromise. He had no disposition now of en-
tering upon an examination of the principles on
which the question of representation ought to
rest.
He did not believe that a discussion of that
character was likely to do good, although he would
listen to the' speeches of gentlemen on either
side, with the utmost deference and respectful
consideration. The vice of the argument of
some gentlemen, in his judgment, was in this,
that they looked to the establishment of a basis
dependent upon a principle which can, with mathe-
matical precision, be shown to work no injustice
or to fail to recognize, in the remotest degree,
perfect equality of rights.
Mr. President, is it not amazing that learned
and distinguished gentlemen upon this floor, continue
day after day, to talk about the establish-
ment of fundamental principles, with reference
to the question of representation, and avow a de-
termination to yield nothing of a favorite theory,
when the history of every State in this Union, de-
monstrates that the subject has been invariably
one of concession and compromise, and that the
basis of representation in the several branches of
the government, is scarcely the same in the Con-
stitution of any one of the States of the Union
now, and was not in any one of the original thir-
teen. The friends of a compromise have been
taunted with the expression that their unwillingness
to open the doors for a full and free dis-
cussion, indicates a conscious weekness in their
position. Not so, sir. It is, indeed, from the
fear that in the flight of time, they may be
left with the work unfinished, and volumnes of
speeches alone be the fruits, (if they can be so
styled,) of our deliberations, which impels the
friends of reform to speedy action.
Why, sir, have we come here to learn the el-
ementary principles of government? is it in-
deed that this Convention must need enlightenment
upon principles illustrated in every politi-
cal hornbook. Have we not the debates which
have been made in the Conventions of every |
State; in which a Constitution has been adapted?
Have we not the views upon this identical ques-
tion, of the master minds of the American
Union? Must we then rehearse in public, all
that we have read in private. No, sir, to his
mind the avoidance of these old and hacknied
topics which has generally characterized our de-
bate is the best evidence of the practical com-
monsense of the members. Look, sir, at the
result of these discussions in the several States
what has uniformly been the termination-
abandonment of the original grounds, upon such
the controversy was commenced, and the recognition
of the spirit of compromise? He had two
objects) mainly, in trespassing upon the time of
the Convention. Firstly, that he might make
known to his constituents the reasons which had
induced him to support the measures of compro-
mise; and secondly, to express his acknowledg-
ments at the bold and manly course pursued by
the reformers of this body from the smaller coun-
ties; he alluded especially to the delegates from
Talbot, Queen Anne's and Caroline counties.—
Organized, as this Convention is, they have had
it in their power at any moment, to defeat the
cherished hopes of the reformers of Maryland.
They, sir, are the only representatives of the
eastern section of the State, so numerously re-
presented in this body, who have magnanimously
voted to limit and abridge their political power.
Have they not received revilings from those who
came here swearing bitter hostility to all change,
and whose best boast it would seem. is their ina-
bility to surmount their local prejudices, and to
keep an eye single to the chances of the political
game as it is to be played upon the stage of "old
Buncombe."
Has it not been entertaining, sir, on the one
hand, lo listen to the out layings of the patriotic
heart who comes from a section of the State,
where representation according to population
is held in abhorence, while he denounces with
flashing eye and vehement gesture, the demoni-
acal spirit of those who espouse the cause of the
majority as a slavish idolatry to the "dear peo-
ple." When you remember, sir, that the very
altar at which he is then worshipping is politi-
cal ambition, and the ends and means to obtain
it, is to pander to the prejudices of the constitu-
ency who hold his fate in their hands.
It is not a martyr's crown, but the wreath of
political victory with which he seeks to adorn his
brow. And then, sir, are the disciples of ano-
ther school, often heard within these walls, who
are so enamoured of popular rights, as to refuse
to concede one hairs-breadth of what. they term
the "inalienable rights of the people," that they
would prefer to let all things remain as they are,
than surrender a single delegate in the apportion-
ment. The people whom he had the honor to
represent were too intelligent, he believed, to ex-
pect that in one single effort by a Convention,
every principle of Government could be recogni-
sed, and established by a standard of their own
fashioning. Much would be obtained—now some-
thing must be left to time, |
