lation, nor any principle that would give it re-
newed vitality after 1860.
[The hammer fell, the gentleman's five minutes
having expired.]
The question being on agreeing to the substi-
tute,
Mr. STEWART, of Baltimore city, asked the
yeas and nays;
Which were ordered,
And being taken, resulted as follows :
Affirmative.—Messrs. Chapman, President,
Morgan, Blakistone, Dent, Hopewell, Ricaud,
Chambers, of Kent, Mitchell, Dorsey, Randall,
Kent, Bund, Brent, of Charles, Merrick, John
Dennis, James U. Dennis, Crisfield, Williams
and Smith—19.
Negative.—Messrs. Lee, Donaldson, Wells,
Sellman, Weems, Dalrymple, Sollers, Jenifer,
Howard Buchanan, Bell Welch Chandler, Ridge-
ly, Lloyd, Colston, Hicks, Goldsborough, Eccle-
ston, Phelps, Constable, Chambers, of Cecil, Mil-
ler. McLane, Bowie, Tuck, Sprigg, McCubbin,
Bowling, Spencer, Grason, George, Wright,
Dirickson, McMaster, Hearn, Fooks, Jacobs,
Thomas, Shriver, Johnson, Gaither, Biser, An-
nan, Sappington, Stephenson, McHenry, Magraw.
Nelson, Thawley, Stewart, of Caroline,
Hardcastle, Gwinn, Stewart, of Baltimore city,
Brent, of Baltimore city, Sherwood, of Balti-
more city, Presstman, Ware, Fiery, John New-
comer, Harbine, Michael Newcomer, Kilgour,
Brewer, Anderson, Weber, Hollyday, Slicer,
Fitzpatrick, Parke, Shower, Cockey and Brown
—73.
So the Convention refused to accept the sub-
stitute.
During the call, when Mr DENT'S name was
called, he rose and stated that he voted fur this
proposition with a desire to prevent a greater
evil.
Mr. HOPEWELL moved, as a substitute for the
amendment of Mr. FIERY, the following:
"The representation in the House of Delegates
shall be as it now is under the Constitution of the
State of Maryland, until the year 1860."
In support of which Mr. HOPEWELL proceeded
as follows:
Having, Mr. President, but a very short time
allowed me by the order of the House, to appeal
to gentlemen coming from the smaller counties
of the State, to sustain the proposition that I have
just had the honor of submitting, and to appeal
to those coming from larger and more populous
counties. Sir, I would much have preferred to re-
tain my seat during the pendency of the ques-
tion now under consideration; but, sir, I do not
feel at liberty to remain silent. I should be un-
mindful of the gratitude I owe to the people of
my county, did I not make an appeal to gentle-
men of this Convention, from the upper section
of the State, and the city of Baltimore, to survey
for a few moments the history of the past, and
ponder upon its teaching, it may in same degree
serve to chasten and subdue the rancor of feeling
with which old St. Mary's, the mother of coun-
ties, and other thinly populous sections of the State
are looked upon, our State has undergone won- |
derful changes, since the organization of our
present Constitution, changes however which have
been the natural result of the policy of our legis-
lation. Then the strength and population was
on the lower counties of the Eastern and West-
ern shores.
The western part of the State was an almost
unexplored region comparatively unsettled. The
war of the revolution came on—the colonial do-
minion was destroyed, and a convention of dele-
gates chosen by the people assembled to form a
new Constitution, in the place of the proprietary
charter—what course was adopted by this Con-
vention in regard to the distribution of power?
Did the lower counties clamour for representa-
tion according to population?
No, sir, they looked up to the upper counties
as brethren, as co-partners—each entitled to the
same weight in the House of Delegates, and
they acted accordingly. Circumstances have
conspired to change this order of things, the pol-
icy of the State, in opening an avenue for the
trade of the mighty west in connection with oth-
er causes, have completely reversed the state of
things, existing at the formation of our present
Constitution.
The lower sections have been drained of their
population. The upper counties have become
thickly settled; and what do they now ask? For-
getful of all the obligation of gratitude—forget-
ful of their former dependance, and the arm that
raised them to power and consequence, they
come to us with the arrogance of swollen wealth
and boasted superiority; and tanning us with
our poverty and distress, demand that the sceptre
shall depart from Judah and a law-giver beneath
her feet. Is it fair? is it generous? Is it
just?
What have we done, Mr. President, to merit
these ungrateful returns? Why is it that gentle-
men will attempt to sweep away every vestige
of that Constitution, which sheltered them when
they were houseless—fed them when they were
hungry—clothed them when they were naked.
Seeing that the time allowed me, Mr, President,
has nearly expired, I must conclude by alluding to
a subject, the notice of which I would gladly avoid
But a sense of duty compels me to advert to it.
The Eastern Shore and the lower counties of the
Western, are deeply and vitally interested in
the undisturbed protection of their slave proper-
ty. It is their main dependance for the cultiva-
tion of their tobacco and grain, and the slightest
attempt to interfere with it by any change,
would be fraught with a danger and destruction,
the extent of which it is impossible lo calculate.
Maryland is a frontier State, Pennsylvania a non-
slave holding State at her North, and Virginia,
a slave holding State at her South. The char-
acter of her population partakes of this distinc-
tion:—Those inhabiting the upper section where
slave labor is not essential to the cultivation of
their soil, look with an unfavorable eye upon
the institution of negro slavery, and would be
glad to see it abolished within the limits of the
State, while the lower counties would regard a
general emancipation as the most direct evil that |
