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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 161   View pdf image
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161
have ransacked the records and archives of the
State, with the most assiduous labor, I have no
doubt, and all they have found to complain of,
has been the distribution of the school fund. "Par-
turiunt montes; nascitur mus." I do not mean to
say, sir, that this is a trifling matter; but I mean
that in reality, it affords no ground of compliant.
If one hundred dollars will confer as much bene-
fit in the diffusion of education in Baltimore city,
as two hundred dollars will in St, Mary's, where
is the inequality in the distribution ? It cannot
be shown to exist. Even this, the only semblance
of inequality by legislative action, that has been
pointed to, has not elicited from their, much com-
ment, because they cannot fail to see its futility
as a ground of complaint.
A few words more, sir, and I shall close these
remarks. The gentleman from Carroll, (Mr.
Brown,) significantly asks, "have not two-thirds
of the people of Maryland, the same right to
throw off the yoke of the other third, that the
colony of Maryland had to throw off the yoke
of Great Britain?"
The gentleman should first have shown the ex-
istence of the yoke of which he speaks. He
should also have shown the parallel by which the
comparison might be drawn. Having failed to do
so, there is nothing to answer. Again, he says.
that slavery is as well protected as it can be by
a constitutional provision. This is admitted to
be a fact. as long as the Constitution which we
may adopt shall continue.
But there is no subsequent security, except
that which we may be able to keep in our own
hands. If we fail to keep that, as there is every
reason to believe we shall fail, then the protec-
tion spoken of by the gentleman, is but a "rope
of sand"—a mere cobweb for all enduring pur-
poses. He tells us again, that by refusing to
yield what these people demand, we encourage
them to assail slavery. With one hand he points
to the provision of security already adopted,
while with the other, he holds over us a rod of
terror. Terms of peace in one hand, and a dec-
laration of war in the other. Other gentlemen
have said, that if we do not concede what they
demand in representation, they will not be answerable
for the consequences, as regards slav-
ery. They warn us not to exasperate these
people.
What mean all these threats, sir? They all
pre-suppose an existing hostility to that institu-
tion. There is something in them to excite our
alarm; but instead of prompting us to a conces-
sion. it demands at our hands, a tighter grasp
upon the power which we ourselves hold, for the
protection of this interest.
Let us not trust it in the keeping of others, it
might be safe for ten or twenty years; but there
being an admitted hostility towards it, past expe-
rience and observation teach us, that that hostil-
ity will annually increase. Sound as a body,
they may be at this time, the admitted and known
contagion will spread and diffuse its influence
through larger and larger circles. Let us not be
deceived by the honied words of promised secu-
rity and safety, when we have so fresh upon our
21
memories, the threats that have been suspended
over us.
The fable of the woodman and the forest was most
aptly applied, a few days ago, by the gentleman
from Worcester, (Mr. Jacobs.) It is trite and
ancient, but it teaches a lesson of wisdom, of
which I think, we are sadly in need at this time.
We should be wary of surrendering a helve.
Placed in the axe it may prove an instrument of
desolation to our cherished interests. Even if
the helve we surrender, is inferior, and too short
for any extensive destruction now, it will enable
them to take another, better suited to their pur-
pose, and still another, by means of which, they
will be able to hew down, lop off, and shape to
their own will, the rights and interests, which I
repeat, are only safe in our own hands. Is it
wise, is it safe thus to arm the northern and
western portion of the State, with a power which
will enable them to sweep from existence, those
rights and interests of which we should justly be
careful?
I do not feel, Mr. President, that any thing I
have said, will divert gentlemen from the position
they have taken. Eloquence, argument, and
appeal., from other .gentlemen, have been lavish-
ed ill vain upon the ear, without eliciting a feel-
ing of regret or remorse for the deed they are
about to commit. The suicidal hand I fear,
is already uplifted, that is to deal the fatal blow,
only waiting the hour of execution. I fear sir,
there is no hope. When pledges to constituents
at home are disregarded; when the influence of
our ancestors' example is no longer felt and ac-
knowledged; when there is a disposition to pan-
der to the imaginary claims of Baltimore city and
the more populous counties on the one hand, and
party spirit on the other, what chance is there to
hope for pure, disinterested and patriotic action,
such as distinguished our noble ancestors? Yield
what they demand now, and you warm into ex-
istence—open and active existence, that which
it is folly to agitate at this time, while there is
not sufficient political weight to foster it.
Once let that section know that they have the
preponderance here, and my life on it, it will not
be long before it is attempted to be used to our
injury. Small though, the disposition may be at
first, it will grow and increase, as it is agitated.
Demagogues and fanatics will rise, and stir up
the people against the institution of slavery, and
gentlemen, or their children will find, when too
late, that they have been hugging a delusive
phantom to their bosoms They will find that
they have confided too much, in the generosity
of those, to whom, they have entrusted the
guardianship of their peculiar interests. The
power will have passed from their own hands, ,
and from the hands of those with whom they are
now acting, against whose soundness on that sub-
ject, I have not a shadow of suspicion. They
will find that they have been nursing a viper in
their bosom, which will only lay quiet and harm-
less, until excited by demagogues and fanatics,
its poisonous fang will strike at the vitals of our
interests, and they will be inevitably swept away
from our possession.


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 161   View pdf image
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