I again, Mr. President, refer to the authorities
and opinions before cited in support of the posi-
tion I have taken.. I have thus far, tediously and
uninterestingly, I fear, endeavored to show that
the doctrine of the supremacy of the majorities'
will is dangerous and untrue, as applicable to the
letter of our governments. If I have succeeded
in the accomplishment of this object, I have
thrown to the ground the bulwark of defence,
upon which, the advocates of representation ac-
cording to population have solely relied for the
support of their proposition. I have tripped the
sheet anchor of their faith, and they are fairly at
sea again amid the stormy elements of politics,
on a new voyage of discovery.
The second class of soi-disant reformers, con-
sists of those who are in favor of representation
according to population, or more odious still,
federal numbers, in the counties, restricting Bal-
timore city to an arbitrary representation. The
inconsistency of this proposition may be seen at
a glance. While they propose to fix a basis of
representation lor the counties, by a principle
which I have just discussed, they refuse to apply
the same principle to Baltimore city. How gen-
tlemen arrive at this conclusion, by any rules
of reason, or argument, I am at a loss to know.
It has, however, been defended and advocated
by several gentlemen, as a measure of compro-
mise; and we have unmistakeable indications
from many others, that they will support it. It
is a strange compromise, based upon the princi-
ple of giving much, because more is asked.—
Videndum est, ne major benignitas sit quam fa-
cultales, is a saying of Cicero, but it is a caution
which there are few occasions for urging. The
present, however, is one of those occasions, on
which it may be held up, for reflection to these
over benevolent gentlemen.
The proposition to which I more especially al-
lude, is that submitted by the gentleman from
Washington, [Mr. Fiery.] It is true, sir, that
this proposition has been voted on, and defeated;
but is now under a motion for reconsideration,
with a strong prospect of being reconsidered, and
if reconsidered, of being adopted. It is to this
proposition, sir, that I desire to apply a few re-
marks. The same remarks will equally apply
to any other proposition leading to the same re-
sult, in a relative distribution of representative
power between the Northern and Western por-
tion of the State, in which slavery is continually
diminishing, and even now, in some counties,
exists nominally, more than really, and the
Southern counties, to which this institution is
almost exclusively confined. Between the same
portions of the State, there exists also another
difference of interest, the result of geographical
locality—the Northern and Western portion being
so located as probably to desire additional
internal improvements, in the way of railroads
and canals, under the curse of which, we, of the
Southern counties, have been groaning for the
last ten years, and are now groaning, to the
tune of nearly two hundred thousand dollars per
annum, wrung from the hard earnings of our
|
people, to enrich Baltimore city and that section
of the State, through which these works pass,
while we can feel no interest in these works,
except that which is prompted by a desire for
relief to ourselves, and to the whole State, from
the oppressive burden under which we are now
laboring.
These, sir, are the local interests to which I
have before alluded, as being peculiar to our
section of the State, and which in my humble
opinion, we are compelled, by lessons of experience
and observation, to watch and guard with
a jealous care. We cannot attach too much im-
portance to them. We cannot too frequently,
nor too vividly draw up for the mind's contem-
plation, the picture presented by (these feelings
and interests which conflict with our own. In
a review of this picture, sir, we see standing
before us a section of the State, naturally fertile,
and highly improved by art, covered with a com-
paratively dense and still increasing population,
with little or no slavery in their midst, and
what they have, annually diminishing; drawing
most of their laboring forces from the white
population of a neighboring free State, and the
immigrants from foreign countries of Europe;
all with feelings naturally averse to slavery,
prompted by the idea of enhancement to the
value of their own labor, if slavery were re-
moved; with here and there interspersed in their
midst, an open-mouthed abolitionist or free-soiler,
and hundreds of others, more timid at first,
but ready to be the same things as soon as they
find, or think they shall find, any countenance
from public opinion. In the heart of this sec-
tion, sir, as it relates to close alliance of feeling,
is situated a city of immense population, and in-
creasing annually with unprecedented ratio;—
drawing by its prosperous and continually im-
proving trade and commerce, most of its increase
of population from the free States North of it,
and from every country of Europe, who bring
with them the feelings and sentiments in rela-
tion to slavery, imbibed in the society from
which they came—feelings known to be inimi-
cal to its existence Scattered over the whole
body politic of this destined to be immensely
populous city, may be found an abundance of
rotten specks of fanatical humanity, each spread-
ing and diffusing among its contiguous elements
its infected and infecting malady. Give them
the power, or the means of obtaining, and this
to them, obnoxious institution, will be swept
away.
Another feature of the picture which we
should contemplate, may be seen in the special
locality of this great commercial city, drawing
to her bosom, wealth, not merely from every
hill and dale of Maryland, but from every part
of the Union, from every quarter of the globe,
and every point of every quarter that is accessi-
ble to trade. To her numerous and immense na-
tural avenues of trade, prompted by that spirit of
enterprise and grasping cupidity, which is char-
acteristic of all great commercial cities, she
must needs add artificial avenues. Splendid |
