ance which in your hour of need, was so liberal-
ly rendered to you—but I invoke you by every
consideration of justice and gratitude—by every
memory of the past, to leave us that, without
which, we are "poor indeed."
Besides the objections already urged, I am
further opposed to the proposition of the gentleman
from Washington, now under discussion.
because it contains the principle of a "federal
basis" as one of its chief and leading features,
By so doing, it virtually deprives southern and
eastern Maryland of a large portion of its population
in the representative system offered for our
adoption—and thus, directly inflicts an addition-
al deep and serious wound. I am aware that a
similar provision is incorporated in many of the
southern Constitutions where slavery is fully re.
cognized—and that a precedent perhaps still
more distinguished may be found in the Constitu-
tion of the United States. The reasons, howev-
er, for the insertion of such a "basis" in the fed-
eral compact, must, with avery little reflection,
become evident to all. The parties to that high
and solemn contract came, in many instances,
from the very extremes of our vast country—
from communities living under different institutions,
and with widely different associations,
characteristics and feeling. They met in that
august conclave as the representatives of independent
sovereignties, with none other than a
moral obligation resting upon them. They treated
with each other as with peers and equals; discon-
nected and disunited; bound by no other tie than
that which originated from a common interest-
linked by no other feeling than that. which sprang
from a common sympathy. Harmony and peace
were essential to their councils—and much. very
much of local jealousy and prejudice from all
sections, was laid as a sacrificial holocaust upon
the common altar, that their grave deliber-
ations might be crowned with a glorious triumph
The very genius of compromise seemed to im-
bue every mind and pervade every heart in that
memorable assembly and under its benign and
happy influence, the peculiar basis, known as the
"federal basis," in common with many other
features similarly compromising in their charac-
ter was made part of that great organic law.
under which a nation was born, and has since
soard to an eminence from which it may look
down upon all the powers and kingdoms of the
earth. Such briefly is the history of this pecu-
liar measure—and with such events fresh in our
recollection, it would seem difficult for any intel-
lect, however cunningly armed with the weapons
of sophistry, to draw any analogy between the
circumstances which then gave it being and those
which now exist within our BORDER=0s. We are
not here as strangers, reared under the influence
of hostile and conflicting teachings. We are chil-
dren of the same destiny; animated with the same
State love and the same State pride Property
in all its various forms is recognized precisely
alike in every quarter amongst us. We are all
attached, or professed to be attached to the insti-
tution of slavery as it necessarily exists in our
midst—and we watch, with a suspicious eye,
18 |
every encroachment upon that interest, from
whatever source it comes. However much we
differ upon other subjects, upon this one surely
we seek no compromise. Allegany. Washington,
Frederick, Carroll, Baltimore, Harford, Cecil,
and Baltimore city, are said to be as sound upon
this domestic feature as the heart or southern ex-
tremity of the State. Why then desire to estab-
lish a basis which by diminishing the represen-
tation of these counties where the institution
chiefly exists, would seem at least to that extent
lo injure its influence and weaken its power.
The constitutions of other States may, in
truth, have this provision engrailed upon them,
but, in my judgment, the condition and situa-
tion of our own State, externally and internally, affords
a subject of far more profitable study than
all the constitutions and all the States of the
Union beside. I am fully aware that I am tread-
ing upon delicate ground, I do not believe the
anti-slavery sentiment seriously pervades any
section of Maryland. I do no believe the
atmosphere which we breathe is yet tainted with
any such unwholesome impurity, but the fact
cannot and should not be disguised that under
the amendment now offered to our consideration,
the majority of power in the popular branch of
the General Assembly is no longer in the hands
of those counties which may be said to be identi-
fied with the slave interest in the most eminent
degree. Time, in its untiring pace, creates ma-
ny a change, and it may be that the demand for
a " purely white basis," now scarcely urged,
will ere long be swollen into a wild and deep
cry that shall, when too late, wake a trusting
and confiding people from that repose in which
they are now indulging. Sir, the period in
which we live is ominous. Yesterday, as it were,
a dark cloud, like a pall, overhung the entire
Union—threatening its very existence. Wisdom
and patriotism, and moral courage combined,
turned the frantic commotion aside. And now
the hoarse mutterings of its thunder, or rather
the demonical yelling of its baffled rage, is heard
passing away in the far off North. Let us, then,
deal cautiously and tenderly with a subject fraught
with so much delicacy and importance. We are
a BORDER=0 State—the eyes of sister communities
are anxiously watching us—and now, if ever we
should meet their gaze with unyielding firmness,
let our action be such as will inspire all within
and without our limits with undoubting confi-
dence—such as will he, in every respect, worthy
of our past and present reputation.
But there is another grave objection to the
amendment proposed, which should be seriously
weighed by every member of the Convention,
and particularly by those who come from an ag-
ricultural section, ere they think for an instant
of giving it their approbation and sanction. Up-
on few subjects, have (at least one portion of)
our constituency so deeply reflected, and upon
none perhaps have they arrived at conclusions of
greater unanimity than upon that policy of inter-
nal improvement which has unfortunately char-
acterised much or our past legislation. So long
have they been toiling under the burthens im-
posed by our financial system, and so frequent |
