al or private considerations. He, (Mr. D.,) did
not believe, as the gentleman from Charles believed,
that all the discussions which might take
place here would be of no service—that the
minds of gentlemen ware firmly made up on
one given principle. He believed that there
was yet hope that a principle conforming to the
views of the people he represented might be
adopted, and so long as that hope remained, he
did not wish that the door should be closed
against argument, and conviction. A number of
gentlemen had stated to him both yesterday and
to-day, that they desired to express their opinions.
Under such circumstances, how could he with-
draw the motion he had made? He was willing
to hear all that could he said. He believed that
the people desired a full discussion, and that the
opinions (if representatives from every part of
the State should be heard. He could not be in-
duced) therefore, by any considerations, of a per-
sonal or private character, or by the regard,
high as it was, which he felt for the gentleman
from Charles, [Mr. Merrick,] to withdraw a mo-
tion which he regarded as essential to the public
interests. When he had made a contract with
the people to represent them in this Convention.
he did so, knowing that the discharge of his
duties here would be at war with his own private
interests and convenience. Such was the case
also with the gentleman from Charles. He, [Mr.
D.,] did not doubt that that gentleman would he
as true to the interests of his people, as he, [Mr.
D,] would be to his; and he felt sure that neither
of them would allow any consideration to inter-
fere with the discharge of their duty in one iota.
He hoped that the vote would be reconsider-
ed, and that every gentleman might be allowed
an opportunity to express his sentiments.
Mr. THOMAS said, that as he was not here when
the order terminating the debate was adopted, he
desired, before submitting the few remarks he
intended to make, to enquire of the Chair wheth-
er the gentleman from Charles, [Mr. Merrick,]
was correct in stating, that if the general discus-
sion should be closed at two o'clock to-day, every
member would have the privilege of moving any
amendment he. might think proper, and of indulg-
ing for five minutes in remarks explanatory of
its character, object and intent?
The PRESIDENT. Such is the import of the
order.
Mr, THOMAS [continuing.] Then I respond
fully and freely to every word that has fallen
from the gentleman from Charles. I know that
if the extent of our discussions and deliberations
here is to bejudged of by that which constitutes
a part of our debates, the public at large will
greatly misunderstand the extent of these delib-
erations and discussions. There is not a gentle-
man here who does not know' that the public ac-
tion of this body is more influenced by private
deliberations and personal interviews of mem-
bers, than by our open discussions. If, after
having been here together nearly five, long, te-
dious months, and having in private intercourse
fully interchanged opinions as to what should be
the mode and the manner of performing our duty |
On this great question, we are not prepared to
vote, we shall not be prepared if we sit here six
long years. The peculiar wishes, interests and
desires of every portion of the community have
been made. known here in the fullest, clearest,
and most minute manner. Of what avail then
will further discussion he ? Let us vote, I am
in favor of voting for these considerations; we
all know that there must. be a compromise of ex-
treme wishes and opinions on this question. We
all know that we can come together by con-
cession alone, and in no other form. We all
know that gentlemen are not prepared to say
what concessions they will make, until they
know what concessions are indispensable. How
are we to ascertain what are these indispensable
concessions until we vole, and see by the record
what propositions are hopeless, and what ap-
proximate nearest to the views of a majority of
the Convention? Let us then vote during the
after part of to-day and the whole of to-morrow,
upon all propositions which may be offered.
And if after all this it should he ascertained,
from the informal interviews which take place
amongst us in our messes and at our boarding
houses, that this great question cannot be so de-
cided as to give satisfaction, peace, and quiet to
the public mind of Maryland, then we can re-
consider and reopen the question whenever we
may be convinced that some material good can
be accomplished by doing so.
For my own part, I shall listen with great
pleasure to any remarks that may be made.
But I foresee that no gentleman can divulge any
thing that is novel. From our boyhood to our
manhood we have all heard these great questions
examined, discussed, analysed and illustrated. And
do gentlemen expect to hear any thing here to-day
which will influence our judgment as to what it
become? one section of Maryland to concede to
another ?
With these, views, and under an, earnest and
anxious desire to see the question brought to a
vote upon every variety of proposition which
may be submitted, I shall feel constrained to
vote against the motion to reconsider.
Mr. BROWN asked the yeas and nays on the
motion to reconsider,.
Which were ordered.
The roll was called,
When the name of
Mr. JENIFER was called, that gentleman rose
and said, that he had voted to fix the hour for
the termination of the debate, but that, inasmuch
as the Convention had indulged him a little more
perhaps than other gentlemen, he would not vote
at all on this motion
The result of the vote was then announced, as
follows:
Affirmative.—Messrs. Chapman, President, Morgan,
Hopewell, Ricaud, Lee, Chambers, of Kent,
Donaldson, Dorsey, Wells, Bond, John Dennis,
James U. Dennis, Crisfield, Williams, Hicks,
Goldsborough, Eccleston, Phelps, Sprigg, McCub-
bin, Dirickson, McMaster, Hearn, Fooks, Jacobs,
Kilgour, Waters and Smith—28.
Negative.—Messrs. Blakistone, Kent, Sellman, |
