in the manner they have borne the burdens of
taxation for the benefit of others. It is urged
that they will, when the public debt is paid off,
come in for their proportion of the revenues
hereafter to accrue.
Mr. J. asked, will they not have amply paid
for those revenues? And where will go the direct
benefit, except to Baltimore and the western
counties? If not a dollar is ever paid into the
State Treasury from those works, the city of
Baltimore and those counties will have been
abundantly compensated in the enhancement of
their property, the facilities of transportation,
and the uniting more closely the great emporium
of the State with these western counties. Do
they bring St. Mary's, or Worcester, or Talbot,
or Calvert nearer to market, or enhance the val-
ue of their property ? The reverse has been wo-
fully experienced in the depreciation of land in
those and other counties since the commence-
ment of your works of internal improvement.
Whereas, a rise in those of the western counties.
and an immense appreciation of the value of
lots in the city of Baltimore, which, added to the
revival of her trade and commerce, bid fair to
place her by the side of the first cities of the
Union.
Mr. J said no member of that Convention or
citizen of the State, or even of the city of Baltimore,
felt more pride than he did at the rapid
growing prosperity of Baltimore. Every Mary-
lander should feel proud in having so enterpris-
ing and gallant a city within the limits of his
State, nor would he unite many effort to trammel
the enterprise which will soon place her
amongst the first commercial cities of the world
She possesses within her limits men qualified for
any station, equal to any efforts allotted to man
to undertake—her commerce extended to all
quarters of the globe—her flag floated upon eve-
ry sea. How was it possible then, that any por-
tion of the State could be hostile to Baltimore.
Her commerce, her manufactures, her mechanics,
her wealth, constitute a large portion of the
great interests of Maryland. No disaster could
befall her, without its being felt throughout the
whole State. No prosperity could she enjoy.
which was not reflected from the Alleganies to
the sea shore. These are the feelings of every
unprejudiced Marylander.
Mr. J. said, gentlemen should beware how they
excited prejudices—they should not destory this
good feeling. But Baltimore is not Maryland, as
some seem to suppose, as Paris is France. Claim
for the city of Baltimore a just representation for
legislative purposes, sufficient to protect or de-
fend all her interests—but if party power alone
is the object, it cannot be expected to he yielded
at the sacrifice, of the great interests of the coun-
ties. If it were. it would be an empty bubble.
By the Constitution now in progress, it is proposed
to lake from the Governor and the Legislature,
all patronage, and place it in the hands of the
people. Of what avail then could be a party
majority in the Legislature, with only the elec-
tion of a United States Senator, and when that time
revolves around, where will be your parties, and
what will they be ? The venerable and learned |
gentleman, now at the head of the court of ap-
peals, and the distinguished Attorney General,
who have throughout this long session been battling
upon almost every question, may like the
Lion and the Lamb be found lying ill the same
sheepfold.
Mr J. said, it was not his purpose to rebuke
others, but he desired to place himself right in
the position in which he was placed. His was
different from most, if not all, the members; for,
certain it was, that if either parly came here to
gain political advantage, he belonged to neither,
nor would he act with either in framing a Constitution
upon party grounds. If any gentleman
desired to know, or doubted his political princi-
ples, let him stand up and show where and when
he had gone further than he, [Mr. J.,] had, when
political party questions had come up before-
the people or elsewhere, upon proper occasions
and an appropriate theatre, but in a Conven-
tion to frame a Constitution for the people of
Maryland, he would know no distinction of par-
ties.
Mr. J. said, it had been said that he had as-
sumed that position. He had assumed that position,
voluntarily, freely, at home, before his consti-
tuents, in one of the strongest whig counties in
the State, where he declared that he would not
come to the Convention as a partizan with any
party. He went further; that he would come
untrammelled.
Now, be would do justice to his colleagues
who had been reflected upon, as well as himself.
They had been called anti-reformers, though
they were elected as reformers. They could not
have been elected unless they had been for re-
form.
But they were not for the reform which some
gentlemen advocated. They were for reform in
those great questions for which the people of the
State believed the Convention was called. They
were in favor of a reform in the Judiciary; in
the Executive. They were in favor of reform
in the legislative branch of the government. But
they could not go for extremes; of letting the
Constitution stand unchanged, or for representa-
tion according to population. He hoped that
those schemes would cease to have advocates
on this floor—it was an idle waste of time to
contend for the one or the other, since every
vote had shown a large majority in favor of some
modification of the present system. The advocates
of representation, based exclusively on
numbers, had yielded, and with very few excep-
tions had voted for intermediate propositions,
evincing a disposition to compromise upon some-
thing less than their original ultra demand.—
They had conceded to each county one senator,
with the city of Baltimore.
Mr. J. said he would advise his friends from
the other extreme to look calmly and as states-
men, upon the present condition of representa-
tion in this Convention. They never could ex-
pect a Convention to he assembled for the
change of a Constitution so favorable to the
smaller counties. They were represented here
upon the basis of the present Senate and House |
